Health Articles
Women, Mining and
An anthology edited by Ingrid Macdonald
and Claire Rowland
Oxfam Community Aid AbroadNovember 2002
National Office
156 George Street Fitzroy
Victoria, Australia 3065
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Website: www.caa.org.au
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Oxfam Community Aid Abroad is affiliated with the following organisations:The Australian Council for Overseas Aid (ACFOA), whose code of ethics we are bound by (for a copy of thecode contact the national office); Oxfam International, whose constitution and code of conduct we arebound by; and the Refugee Council of Australia.
The publication of this report has utilised the skills, knowledge and hard work of many dedicated people.
We would like to thank all of the many volunteers who assisted with the publication and the forum. Wewould also like to especially thank the women who shared their inspirational and educational experiencesand expertise with the forum participants.
Ingrid Macdonald and Claire Rowland
Assistant Editors:
Sarah Hartridge and Jo Sanson
Anna Hutchens, Nalini Kasynathan, Colleen Savage, Michael Simon and Rezina Yasmin
We appreciate any feedback, comments or input you may have with regard to the issues and cases
discussed in this publication. There is an evaluation form within this publication or comments can be
emailed to us at: [email protected]
The views expressed within this publication are those of the authors and do not necessarily representthose of Oxfam Community Aid Abroad.
The report is printed on recycled paper.
This report is available online at: www.caa.org.au/campaigns/mining/
Front Cover Photo:
A woman from a community affected by mining lifts a rock in a stream flowingfrom a mine tailings pond to show contamination, sludge and discolourationunderneath. PHOTO: Ingrid Macdonald/Oxfam CAA
Back Cover Photo:
Student at Uiaku Community School, Uaiku, Papua New Guinea. PHOTO:Martin Wurt/Oxfam CAA
Forward – the need for a forum
Introduction: women's rights undermined
Mining, women and communities and Oxfam Community Aid Abroad
Indigenous Australia, India and the Philippines
An Australian indigenous women's perspective:
indigenous life and mining
Pat Kopusar
Women and mining in the Cordillera and the International Women and
Mining Network
Jill K. Carino
The status of women affected by mining in India
Papua New Guinea
Women and mining projects in Papua New Guinea: problems of
consultation, representation and women's rights as citizens.
Martha Macintyre
One day rich; community perceptions of the impact of the Placer Dome
Gold Mine, Misima Island, Papua New Guinea.
Dr Julia Byford
The polarisation of the people and the state on the interests of the
political economy and women's struggle to defend their existence;
a critique of mining policy in Indonesia.
Meentje Simatauw
Labour, love and loss: mining and the displacement of women's labour
Mining, HIV/AIDS and women – Timika, Papua Province, Indonesia
N. Silitonga, A. Ruddick, Wignall FS
Women, Mining and Communities
Forward – the need for a forum
Oxfam Community Aid Abroad has pursued
Their papers illustrate how it cannot be assumed
gender equality and women's
that women will automatically benefit from large-
empowerment in its development programs,
scale economic development projects such as
humanitarian relief and advocacy work for many
mining operations. They provide real life
years. The agency has also supported overseas
examples in which mining projects have
communities affected by the activities of
overlooked or disregarded women's rights,
Australian mining companies for the last decade,
resulting in increased gender inequality and
culminating in the establishment of the Mining
further marginalisation, impoverishment and
Ombudsman in February 2000. In this work, we
have found that the grievances of communitiesaffected by mining activities often represent a
The forum was the first of its type to be held in
direct response to the continued denial of their
Australia and it provided an opportunity for a
basic human rights - especially their rights to
diverse group of participants and presenters to
prior, free and informed consent, self-
learn from one another, exchange ideas and build
determination, land and livelihoods. These
solidarity. However, it also highlighted the marked
grievances have proved to be largely similar
requirement for more research and action to
across the industry and throughout the lifecycle
address the differential and often destructive
of mining projects. However, currently there is
impacts that mining operations have on women
limited information available or discussion about
from local communities.
women's roles and rights in relation to theactivities of the mining industry.
We hope that this publication will be an importantcontribution in helping to improve gender
As a result, on World Environment Day, 5 June
awareness and sensitivity of all stakeholders
2002, Oxfam Community Aid Abroad convened
concerned with large-scale mining activities. We
the 'Tunnel Vision: Mining, Women and
would also encourage readers to complete the
Communities,' forum in Melbourne, Australia. The
evaluation form within this Report so that Oxfam
forum brought together speakers from Indigenous
Community Aid Abroad can better inform its
Australia and the Asia-Pacific to explore the
future work.
impacts of mining operations on women inaffected communities. The forum illustrated how
Special thanks must be extended to Anna
women tend to be excluded from the economic
Hutchens, who organised the conference and
benefits of mining and bear the burden of many
Claire Rowland, who coordinated the editing of
of the negative social and environmental impacts.
the papers contained within this Report. The
It highlighted the need for all stakeholders to pro-
whole team of volunteers who edited papers,
actively pursue gender equality and women's
assisted in the organisation of the forum and
empowerment in all activities and projects.
provided transportation and accommodation forthe speakers deserve the thanks and appreciation
The forum's speakers came from wide-ranging
of Oxfam Community Aid Abroad. Finally,
backgrounds and perspectives. All have
immeasurable thanks to the inspirational and
considerable first-hand experience in
dedicated women who traveled from throughout
researching, addressing, campaigning and/or
the Asia Pacific in order to share their expertise,
personally living with the impacts of mining on
insights and experiences with the forum
women. Their confronting papers describe
situations where large-scale mining has often haddevastating impacts on women in IndigenousAustralia, Papua New Guinea, India, Indonesia
and the Philippines.
Ingrid Macdonald,
Oxfam Community Aid Abroad
Ingrid Macdonald was appointed as the Oxfam Community Aid
Abroad Mining Ombudsman in September 2001. She has
several years' experience in both the public and private sector
in the areas of environmental and natural resource
management. Ingrid has qualifications in politics, geography
and law. She is currently enrolled as a PhD candidate in Law at
the University of Melbourne, Australia.
Note: The following introduction was not presented
comprised of numerous other important human
at the Tunnel Vision Forum.
rights instruments.1
Governments do not have the sole
The rights guaranteed under the international
responsibility for promoting gender equality
human rights system are universal, inalienable,
and women's empowerment. Every
interdependent, indivisible, and complementary.2
individual and every private sector actor,
This means that it is necessary to protect and
including mining companies, their directors and
promote a person's civil, political, social,
employees, bare this responsibility, not just
economic and cultural rights, and what are
because it is ethically and morally the 'right thing
commonly called their collective rights, to enable
to do', but because it is consistent with the
them to enjoy full human dignity. It also means
requirements of the international human rights
that every person is entitled to the same level of
system; particularly women's rights.
protection of their basic human rights no matterwhere they live and work. However, some human
Women's rights are human rights
rights continue to be perceived as more legally
All people - men, women, girls and boys - possess
binding than others. For example, the prohibition
certain basic human rights that provide them with
on torture is a pre-eminent norm of international
universal claims against society. The universality of
law whereas the right to social security is not.
human rights means that every person is entitled to
Notwithstanding this on-going debate, human
the same level of protection of their basic human
rights are guaranteed to all human beings 'without
rights no matter where they live and work. As a
distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex,
result, these rights transcend national borders,
language, religion, political or other opinion,
economic paradigms and political structures.
national or social origin, property, birth or other
The modern international human rights system is
status.'3 Women are therefore entitled to the same
founded on the Universal Declaration of Human
protection as men under the international human
Rights 1948 (UDHR), the International Covenant
rights system. The Vienna Declaration of 1993
of Civil and Political Rights 1966 (ICCPR) and the
provides, '[t]he human rights of women and of the
International Covenant of Economic, Social and
girl-child are an inalienable, integral and
Cultural Rights 1963 (ICESCR). The system is also
indivisible part of universal human rights.'4
Women, Mining and Communities
However, in practice this duty is often far removed
Given the considerable barriers to the
from the reality of implementation, application and
implementation of women's rights, there are key
international human rights instruments dealingexclusively with removing the barriers to women's
The barriers to realising
rights and empowerment. The Convention on the
Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination againstWomen (CEDAW) (effective 1981) and the Beijing
There are many obstacles to realising equality
Platform for Action of 1995 are two key
between men and women, despite gender
international instruments specifically concerned
equality being a matter of human rights and
with women's rights and empowerment. These
social justice.5 Women comprise 70 % of the
instruments provide an agenda for women's
poor and this proportion is growing. Throughout
empowerment and the elimination of
the world, women work longer hours for less pay
discrimination against women in the enjoyment of
than men employed in similar positions and they
their civil, political, economic and cultural rights.10
are grossly under-represented in private sectormanagement and political positions.6 Womencomprise the vast majority of the world's unpaid
Mining companies and
informal and subsistence agricultural workforce.
As a result, much of the work of women, such aschild-care, household responsibilities and daily
Human rights, applied through the international
food and water provision, has no value within the
human rights system and national human rights
current neo-liberal system of economic
laws, are intended to ensure that the rights of
development. This system, based on so-called
those who have less power are not infringed,
'gender neutral' economic theories, only places
abused or violated by more powerful actors.
value on paid labour.7 Economic development
Traditionally, governments have been considered to
often serves to further marginalise the roles and
have primary responsibility for upholding human
responsibilities of women and exclude them from
rights. However, rights and duties under
any benefits of such development.
international law are slowly being extended to non-
'The distinction between the public and
state actors and individuals. Thus far, individuals
private spheres operates to make the
have been found legally responsible for war crimes,
work and needs of women invisible.
crimes against humanity and other gross human
Economic visibility depends on working in
rights abuses.11 Within the current context of
the public sphere and unpaid work in the
globalisation, non-state actors such as companies
home or community is categorised as
are not only morally and socially responsible for
'unproductive, unoccupied and
respecting and protecting the human rights of the
economically inactive.'8
people who their activities affect, but they may beincreasingly legally liable as 'organs of society.'12
Throughout the world women continue to sufferpersistent and systematic human rights abuses
Similarly, the feminist critique of the international
for not other reason than they are women.9 In the
human rights system questions the traditional
workplace, home, health system, the public
public (state/formal) and private (non-state/informal)
domain and in conflict situations, women are
conception that human rights duties are the sole
subjected to violence, abuse and discrimination
responsibility of governments and their agents. The
that is often sanctioned or ignored by judicial and
criticism has centred on the function of human
political institutions. Examples include sexual
rights law to protect those with less power from
assault, domestic violence, forced prostitution
those who have more. The critics argue that women
and lack of access and control over reproductive
are not just subjected to violence, and therefore
and employment choices.
human rights abuse, by governments. In many
The marginalised and impoverished position of
situations, communities, families and partners inflict
many women is not a 'natural occurrence' or the
violence on women. Traditionally, such acts would
result of biological differences. There are many
be considered to be within the private sphere and
illegitimate social, political, economic, civil and
therefore not within the direct realm of human rights
cultural barriers to the implementation of
law, even though the rights of women are being
women's rights and the achievement of gender
violated. As a result, human rights law is failing to
equality. These barriers enable others to infringe,
protect those women who have less power from
abuse and violate women's rights, resulting in the
those non-state groups and individuals who have
marginalisation, oppression and impoverishment
more. Catherine MacKinnon describes such
situations as 'pure gender bias.'13
This critique of the private/public dichotomy is
Companies entering into negotiations
equally applicable to the responsibility of non-state
only with men, making women neither
actors, such as companies, to protect and promote
party to the negotiations, nor
women's rights. Over the last few decades, there
beneficiaries of royalties or
have been considerable changes in the structure of
compensation payments - as a result,
international society. Transnational corporations,
women are stripped of their traditional
including mining companies, have unprecedented
means of acquiring status and wealth;
influence over patterns of economic development -
Companies not recognising the religious
particularly in developing countries competing for
and spiritual connections of indigenous
direct foreign investment.
women to their environments and land,
The influence and power of transnational
especially when they are displaced by
corporations has increased dramatically, in line
mining activities;
with the global movements towards a free market
Women generally have little or no
system supported by international multilateral
control over and access to any of the
institutions such as the International Monetary
benefits of mining developments,
Fund and the World Bank Group. The pressure on
especially money and employment. They
developing countries to deregulate markets and
therefore become more dependent on
privatise industries has made it easier for
men who are more likely to be able to
transnational corporations to have a far greater
access and control these benefits;
presence amongst some of the world's most
The traditional roles and responsibilities
vulnerable communities. Recent figures show
of women are marginalised as the
that the revenues of five of the largest
community becomes more dependent
transnational corporations are more than double
on the cash based economy created by
the combined Gross Domestic Profit of the
mine development;
poorest 100 countries.14
The workload of women increases as
Given that the basis of international human rights
men work in a cash economy created
law is to protect the less powerful from the
by mining operations and women have
powerful, it is archaic to exclude powerful
increased responsibility for the
globalised mining companies from direct human
household and food provision through
rights accountability. As a result, mining
traditional means;
companies should be obliged to fulfil the duties
Women become more at risk of
required under the international human rights
impoverishment, particularly in women-
system, including those required in the area of
headed households;
women's rights and gender equality. The
Women bear both the physical and
responsibility of private sector actors not to
mental strain of mine development,
discriminate against women is also recognised in
especially when it involves resettlement;
recommendations relating to CEDAW.15
Women suffer from an increased risk ofHIV/AIDS and other STD infections,
Tunnel vision: women, mining
family violence, rape and prostitution -
and communities
often fuelled by alcohol abuse and/or atransient male workforce; and
The papers within this Report provide practical
Women suffer active and often brutal
examples of situations where women have not
discrimination in the workplace.
automatically and equally benefited from economicdevelopment and large-scale mining projects. In
These grievances represent a denial of the basic
fact, the presenters at the forum spoke strongly
human rights of women from communities affected
about their own experiences in which women and
by mining. They do not represent natural
children had consistently suffered the most from the
occurrences within the community, but are the
negative impacts of mining projects.
result of gender insensitive projects that fail toconsider the strategic gender interests of women
Similarly, during the case investigations of the
affected by the project. As a result, the mining
Oxfam Community Aid Abroad Mining
operations have further disadvantaged and
Ombudsman, women from communities affected
disenfranchised women in these communities.
by mining operations have provided testimoniesdetailing the violation and infringement of their
Realising women's rights
human rights.16 The following list represents aconsolidation of their grievances:
Mining companies have a moral and social
Women, Mining and Communities
obligation and potentially a legal obligation under
employees and management are committed to
international law to protect and promote women's
and required to protect and promote women's
rights. Companies must therefore promote
rights and pursue gender equality and women's
gender equality and women's empowerment in all
empowerment. There should be accountability
stages of the project planning, implementation
and incentive mechanisms in place for
encouraging and enforcing these policies andsystems. Companies will also need to ensure that
Companies should ensure that a suitably
they develop appropriate capacity and allocate
qualified and experienced person undertakes an
adequate resources, and most importantly, foster
independent and thorough gender analysis, withperiodic gender audits, at all mine sites. Projects
the political will, to achieve successful policy
should be gender sensitive, involving women in
development, implementation and enforcement.
all elements of the decision-making and providing
Overall, companies must commit to undertaking
an opportunity for women to define what is
their activities in a manner that is consistent with
appropriate development and participation for
the international human rights system. In order to
themselves. Projects should consider not only the
do so, companies will need to commit to
practical gender needs of women, such as the
obtaining the prior, free and informed consent of
provision of food and water, but women's
female landowners and women from affected
strategic gender interests, such as ensuring that
communities to any exploration or mining activity.
men and women have equal control and access
Companies should also always seek advice from
over the resources and benefits from a mine.
local women about what are the appropriate
Company policies, internal monitoring, evaluation
ways for ensuring that their views are heard and
and verification systems should ensure that all
their rights are protected.
See Macdonald, I. and Ross, B. Mining Ombudsman Annual Report 2001-2002, Oxfam Community Aid Abroad,2002, p 4 & 57-68.
The Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action - Fourth World Conference on Women, Beijing, (1995).
Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted 10 Dec. 1948, G.A. Res. 217A (III), UN Doc. A/810, at 71 (1948) art. 2
Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action - United Nations World Conference on Human Rights, Vienna, 1993, 14Human Rights Law Journal 352 (1993) 18.
The Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, op. cit, 'Mission Statement', para 1 Available at:http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/beiging/platform/plat.1.htm [Accessed November 4, 2002].
See respective United Nations Human Development Reports, especially the Report for 1993, p25 Available at:http://www.undp.org.
Hunt, J. 'Situating Women's Development Needs Within the Human Rights Framework,' p. 24 - 34, in Moon, G (ed),Making Her Rights a Reality: Women's Human Rights and Development, Community Aid Abroad, 1996, p 25-26.
Charseworth, H. Chinkin, C. & Wright, S. Feminist Approaches to International Law, 85 American Journal ofInternational Law 613, 1991, p 614.
Human Rights Watch. Women's Human Rights. Available at: http://www.hrw.org/women/index.php [AccessedNovember 4, 2002].
10 United National Development Fund for Women, The International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Discrimination Against Women. Available at: http://www.unifem.org [Accessed November 4, 2002].
11 See cases concerning: Trial of Major War Criminals Before the International Military Tribunal Nuremberg, 1947; Statute of
the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, UN Doc S/Res/827, 1993; Statute of the InternationalTribunal for Rwanda, SC Res 955, 49 UN SCOR (3452nd meeting), UN Doc S/Res/955, 1994; and the requirements ofthe Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, 37 ILM 999, opened for signature 17 July 1998.
12 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, op. cit, preamble; Macdonald & Ross, op cit, p 4-9.
13 MacKinnon, C. 'On Torture: A Feminist Perspective on Human Rights' in Kathleen Mahoney and P. Mahoney (eds.),
Human Rights in the Twenty-First Century 21, 1993.
14 Utting, P. Regulating Business via Multistakeholder Initiatives: A Preliminary Assessment. United Nations Research
Institute for Sustainable Development, 2002: Available at: http://www.unrisd.org.
15 CEDAW Committee, Violence Against Women, General Recommendation No. 19, Eleventh Sess. No. 1, 1992 UN
Doc. A/47/38, 1 Int. Hum. Rt. Rep. 25 (No. 1, 1994), No. 9.
16 See Atkinson, J. Brown, A. & Ensor, J. Mining Ombudsman Annual Report 2000-2001, Oxfam Community Aid
Abroad, 2001; & Macdonald & Ross, op. cit.
Mining, women and
communities and Oxfam
Community Aid Abroad
Oxfam Community Aid Abroad
Andrew Hewett is Executive Director of Oxfam Community Aid
Abroad. Prior to taking on this role, he held the position ofOxfam Community Aid Abroad's Director of Public Policy and
Outreach for ten years. In addition to acting as an NGO Adviser to
the Australian Government for the World Summit for Social
Development in 1995, Andrew was also a member of the World
Bank NGO Committee for four years.
The Oxfam Community Aid Abroad
3. The right to life and security
rights based approach
4. The right to be heard
5. The right to an identity (Which includes
Oxfam Community Aid Abroad is an
the right to equity in gender and
independent, secular, Australian non-
government development agency. We are
Oxfam International recognises that all the people
the Australian division of a global confederation of
of the world are responsible for ensuring their
11 development NGO's known as Oxfam
own and each other's human rights.
International. Oxfam Community Aid Abroad
Governments, the corporate sector, NGOs, and
undertakes work in local, regional and national
society share this responsibility with individuals.
development and humanitarian response projects,
Responsibility for upholding and not undermining
and advocates for policy and practice changes.
these human rights also applies to the corporate
Both Oxfam Community Aid Abroad and Oxfam
sector, including mining and minerals companies
International take a human rights approach to
and individuals working for these firms.
their work on poverty, injustice and suffering. Thisapproach reflects the view that poverty and
Oxfam Community Aid Abroad
suffering are primarily caused and perpetuated by
and gender
injustice between and within nations, resulting inthe exploitation and oppression of marginalised
Poverty is linked with the violation of women's
human rights. As such, in Oxfam Community AidAbroad, gender equality is central to all
There are five human rights that form the basis of
development activities and is a core objective of
the Oxfam approach and Oxfam Community Aid
our advocacy work. In response to the Beijing
Abroad's strategic plan. These rights, listed
Declaration in 1995, Oxfam Community Aid
below, are enshrined in international instruments
Abroad has promoted gender mainstreaming as a
and customary international law.
strategy for the advancement of women'sempowerment. The underlying principle of gender
1. The right to a sustainable livelihood
mainstreaming is to integrate and promote
2. The right to basic social services
women's practical and strategic interests into
Women, Mining and Communities
organisational policies andpractice and also into every aspectof our programs and projects.
Gender equality is addressedspecifically in our 5th strategic aim:the right to an identity. However, wealso promote gender equality as anintegral part of every strategic aim, andas a facet of every human right.
Over the last few years, OxfamCommunity Aid Abroad has directed fundsinto projects facilitating women'sempowerment and the promotion of women'shuman rights. To achieve these aims, OxfamCommunity Aid Abroad has supported gendersensitive projects, provided training on genderawareness and analysis and engaged in dialoguewith partners. We have found gendermainstreaming to be an effective means ofpursuing women's empowerment and thetransformation of gender relations within OxfamCommunity Aid Abroad.
Although Oxfam Community Aid Abroad has acommitment to mainstream gender in all aspectsof its work, there have been some challenges inthe implementation of this commitment. Analysisof Oxfam Community Aid Abroad highlights thatalthough gender awareness and sensitisation hastaken place in many of our programs, it has notbeen fully integrated into all aspects of our project
LEFT: Women hold up their list of
cycle. Programs aimed at the transformation of
complaints about the mine pit behind them.
gender relations and women's empowerment have
PHOTO: Ingrid Macdonald/Oxfam CAA
not provided consistent results.
Our findings demonstrate that we cannot assume
In 1990, the private sector accounted for 25%,
that women automatically benefit from
and foreign aid accounted for 75% of investment
development efforts. Progress towards equality
into the developing world. By 1996, the levels had
between men and women does not take place
reversed, with 75% of investment sourced from
the private sector. Private sector investment can
It is clear that if women's issues are not explicitly
be an important driver of economic growth that
incorporated into all stages of the programming
generates poverty reduction, provided that
and project cycle, achieving gender equality is
appropriate regulations and controls exist. These
difficult. Thus, Oxfam Community Aid Abroad
controls and regulations must include
recognises that the implementation of an
benchmarks that promote gender equality and
effective mainstreaming strategy is essential to
enhance the rights of women.
improve the position of women.
Inequality between and within nations isincreasing rather than decreasing. We live in a
Why gender issues are relevant to
world where 3 billion people - one in every two of
the mining industry
us - survive on less than $2 per day. 840 millionpeople are malnourished. 1.3 billion do not have
The private sector, including the mining and
safe drinking water. 1 in 7 children have no
minerals sector, has an increasingly critical
school to attend.
influence over human development. As such,corporations have an increasingly important role
A child born in Melbourne today will have a
in areas affecting gender equality and the rights
lifetime income that is 74 times the income of a
child born in a developing country. 40 years ago
that ratio was 30 to 1. 100 years ago it was 11 to
come from as far away as India, Indonesian and
1. With 95% of world births occurring in the
the Philippines to provide insight today into
developing world, the trend is clear. Current
numerous mining issues concerning women in
patterns of globalisation are creating
communities around the globe. It is important to
opportunities for those with skills, education and
remember that the negative impacts of mining on
assets. Those without the opportunities - the
communities generally affect women and children
landless, the poor and the illiterate - are being
more severely than men.
left behind. These statistics are even morediscouraging when they are disaggregated
In order to overcome gender injustices in mining
between men and women, boys and girls.
operations, companies and individuals mustrecognise the essential role of women in the
Given the increasing power of the private sector
maintenance of the economic and social
throughout the world, including the mining and
wellbeing of communities. Despite having this
minerals sector, it is essential that companies
role, women are seriously disadvantaged in most
contribute positively to poverty alleviation and
communities. This disadvantage is evident in
development by protecting and upholding the
access to education, health, employment,
rights of women affected by their activities. This
resources, legal status, freedom of movement,
is especially important where mining companies
control over their bodies and futures, and access
operate in countries where governments have
to services and benefits of development. In
failed to implement national legislation consistent
addition, women are under-represented
with the international human rights framework, orfail to uphold these standards in their own
everywhere in decision making and suffer from
practices. Gender equality cannot be traded.
domestic and public violence.
Oxfam Community Aid Abroad has been involved
Women's low status is not 'natural' and is not
with overseas communities affected by the
due to biological differences. It is due to social,
activities of Australian mining companies for over
cultural, historical and economic factors. This is
7 years. This work has culminated in our
an injustice. All people, whether they work for
establishment of the Oxfam Community Aid
non government organisations or mining
Abroad Mining Ombudsman. By hosting this
companies, must be continually striving to
conference, Oxfam Community Aid Abroad hopes
achieve gender equality. This process must
to place gender equity on the mining advocacy
involve both men and women, working together
agenda, and bring about changes in mining
to overcome poverty, injustice and achieve
policy and practice. Qualified speakers have
equality within society.
Women, Mining and Communities
Indigenous Australia, India
and the Philippines
An Australian indigenous
indigenous life and
Pat Kopusar
Pat Kopusar Consulting
Pat Kopusar has a working history in Aboriginal Health and is
currently employed by Yorgum, an Aboriginal Family
Counselling Service. Her recent accomplishments include
writing an Aboriginal Family Violence Training Package and co-
writing an evaluation of education programs for Aboriginal and
Torres Strait Islander women. Pat visited the tribal people of
India as a member of Community Aid Abroad's Aboriginal
program in the 1990's.
Historically, the greatest blow to Aboriginal
Instead, families consist of children, mothers and
people's existence came when the British
their sisters, fathers and their brothers, parents,
Empire declared Australia to be 'Terra
uncles and aunts and grandparents, both paternal
Nullius'. Land was then sold to the 'pioneers' of
and maternal. Each member of this extended family
Australia and Aborigines were treated as a
has a specific role to contribute to the family and
nuisance. This marked the beginning of
the community. Australia's modern housing model
homelessness for my people. Despite loosing this
damages this family structure by placing members
war of spear against gun, cunning against might,
into separate housing facilities designed for
Aborigines prevail in the fight for the return of
'nuclear families'. This style of housing has covertly
changed the community structure, assimilating theindigenous population into "colonised" peoples.
Today I stand as an indigenous woman who comesfrom this warrior race, a race that is proud, strongand intelligent. A race that had and still has it's
A statistical background
intellectuals, singers, songwriters, dancers, story
The Aboriginal population was first counted in
tellers, law makers, law holders, healers, medicines,
1971. In the most recent census (1996), the
hunters, providers, and protectors of our own family
indigenous population was estimated to be
structures, our own way of life, our own systems,
386,049, which represents 2% of Australia's total
our own CULTURE.
population. Compared with other groups, wehave lower incomes, higher rates of
I am a mother of six children, grandmother of
unemployment, poorer educational outcomes,
twenty-four, great grandmother of six. I learnt
complex and poor health, and higher levels of
about my heritage from my mother, and she learnt
homelessness. The Australian Bureau of Statistics
her stories and legends from her mother, who was
stated "Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
born on the Vasse River on the South Coast of
people generally do not have the same level of
Western Australia in 1877. We are part of the
access to affordable, secure housing as other
Nyoongar Nation and are known as the Wardandji
Australians. This can be the result of low income
people: "the people who live by the ocean and
levels, discrimination." The report also states
walk the forest paths".
that our dwellings are often impoverished "sheds,
Aboriginal family structures are not 'nuclear'.
humpies and tents". My observations are that
Women, Mining and Communities
Aborigines also live on the fringes of mining
discrimination through the introduction of new
towns, under trees, in creek beds, with little
laws, and are constantly fighting against the
shade, no toilet facilities and no water. Women
process of disempowerment. This land is our
and children exist side by side to other women
home. The British Government's first step onto
and children living in brick, tiled, air conditioned,
our shores created homelessness that has since
subsidised rental housing. A few Aborigines also
grown to tremendous heights.
own their own houses.
Before examining specific issues, we must look
Aborigines have high incarceration rates. We are
at the big picture, the total environment, the land
10 times more likely to be charged and arrested
in which women and their children live. Where do
than other people are. Aboriginal juveniles
they live? They live in a vast landscape of hills
between the ages of 10 and 14 years are 25 times
and mountains, trees and forests, where
more likely to be charged than other youth and
strangers only see empty rivers and very little
our women were almost 14 times more likely to
water. An empty land - a 'space' where there are
be charged and arrested that other women
no towns and strangers see no life. They only see
(Aboriginal Justice Council, 1998).
areas that hold a promise of resources to be
It is against this background that I present this
used by the government, the mining company,
and the investor. A place to be 'developed'. Butwe believe that these areas are already
Through my eyes I see the land.
'developed'. If asked, Indigenous women will tell
you that every tree has a meaning and a use,
It is almost impossible to create a picture that
warmth and comfort, shelter and shade, healing
captures the diversity of Aboriginal women's
and food. The land isn't empty. The bushes and
experience throughout Australia. Instead, I will
trees are teeming with food for the children. The
provide a perspective based on 35 years of living
valleys, the mountains, the great boulders, the
and working across the state of Western Australia
lakes, the water sources, the wind, the air, the
in remote and urban Aboriginal communities,
sky, the fire, the lightning, the thunder; every part
particularly those located on or near mining sites
of the land has a message for the people.
and their ports. My work, both as a volunteer andan employee, has provided me with the
The trees - a law.
opportunity to sit with my peers and discuss
Aboriginal culture outlaws the desecration of
mining, the government, royalties, the mining
bushes and trees. On our land no tree can be
organisations, and ourselves – Aboriginal women.
taken, and no branch broken, unless the tree's
I have experienced first hand the flood of alcohol
caretaker or custodian has granted permission.
into small mining towns in the Pilbara Region. I
I was new to the Pilbara region when I spoke to
have also seen the influx of men from strange
the wise old man and his wife. They smiled at my
countries brought to work on the mines. During
ignorance when I asked why people didn't carve
this time our men could only stand and wonder.
artefacts, the boomerang and spear, to make
The coming of the mines has brought more
some extra money. The wise man explained that
roads, noisy machines, tractors, semi-trailers and
the boomerang was carved from a special tree,
road camps into Aboriginal land. Large machines
the snakewood tree, which grew a long way from
shift the ground from place to place, leaving
where he was living. In addition, the trees
great big holes in the earth. Strange men blast
belonged to another man, a man from another
the rock and the mountains to create railway
land that spoke a different language. "Anyway"
tracks. These activities have frightened and
he said, "I would need to ask permission from the
dispossessed the birds, animals, and small game
caretaker of those snakewood trees before I
such as the goanna, snake and porcupine. Our
could break a branch. I could not be bad
food has run away.
mannered to ask for more than one or two at the
Mining has created a restless and confused
most. How much would one boomerang sell for?"
Not enough to feed and clothe him and his wife.
The indigenous women of Australia have had
Not everyone knows these rules and obeys them.
their lives disrupted by the arrival of strangers
How do traditional caretakers feel when the trees
bringing mining to their land. The women who
are uprooted and cast aside to make room for
provided care to the small children of the first
roads and buildings? They feel that it is the
nation have been dispossessed. They also suffer
beginning of the end.
The importance of water
holes have been excavated in the ground, hugerivers have been damned, and sacred sites have
Bathing or swimming in waterholes is not allowed
been desecrated. The food is diminishing, the
until regionally specific protocol has been
land is changing and the people are being forced
performed. One such protocol involves throwing
to change as a consequence. How can we live in
sand in the water before walking too close to
a permanently changed land where little is
springs, pools or rivers. In other areas, people roll
available to replace the old way of life? How can
water in their mouth, spitting it back into the pool
we deal with drug and alcohol abuse, family
before entering. Only after completing these
violence, homelessness, and new ways of
activities will the keeper of the pool, the huge
teaching and learning? How do we take back
water snake, be appeased. However, it is only the
control of our lives? How do we maintain our
Aboriginal people who know and obey these laws.
religion our beliefs, and our culture? How do weleave a heritage or even a home for our children?
Women's land
How do we deal with poverty?
There are places where men cannot walk
The introduction of mining has brought drugs and
because women have ownership of the space. In
alcohol into areas that no white man would
turn, women cannot enter forbidden areas that
normally visit. Youth are enticed by the coldness
are exclusively for men.
of the drinks and the forgetfulness of mind-
I was privileged to attend a meeting many miles
altering drugs. In addition to their physical health,
inland in a place that belonged to women alone.
women fear for their children's spiritual wellbeing,
Women had been meeting in that place for forty
which is confused by limited knowledge of the
thousand years, perhaps longer. I was told that it
was their place and had been their place forever.
In Port Hedland, approximately 5,000 jobs have
During the meeting a group of men came to the
been given to strangers who are flown into the
outskirts of the area to bring a crying child to his
town on a fortnightly basis. Few of these jobs
mother. The child's father and his friends did not
were offered to Aboriginal women or their men. In
enter the area, approaching only as far as the
addition, the urban Aboriginal woman and her
main road and refusing to step off the truck. This
children have limited work opportunities. The little
is correct protocol. Strange men do not live by
employment that is set aside for Aborigines is
this protocol and cannot be stopped from
hotly contested. Most jobs are given to educated
entering women's places. What are the
people or those who have training. Some young
consequences when they breach our law? The
people are successful in obtaining work but some
answer is NONE.
find the competition too severe, lapsing insteadinto the forgetfulness of drugs that are floodinginto the town. The responsibility for the influx of
Grandmothers and the land
hard drugs cannot be laid at the feet of the mines
A grandmother wanted to take her grandson back
alone. Even some Aboriginal families have started
to a special place, a certain riverbed, to begin his
to depend on illegal income obtained from selling
teaching. Soon he would be too old for her to do
drugs. However, the availability of drugs has
this. But she no longer had the right to take him
increased in particular areas in response to the
there. The riverbed was blocked, fenced off. But it
advent of mining projects.
was her land. It had belonged to her father andhis father and his father before him. Where could
Employment is particularly nonexistent. Women
she go? What should she do? Will all her
sit and think, "Will my child be lucky enough to
knowledge die with her? This is an example of
secure a job with a real wage and escape from
how traditional teachings and cultural laws are
the poverty in which we live?" It is obvious that
slowly breaking down. The culture of teaching
children will continue to live in this poverty unless
children which food to eat and how it can be
there is positive change. However, there are not
obtained is slowly eroding. The grandmother's
enough jobs available to start this process. A
teaching role is disintegrating, replaced by
young Aboriginal woman said to me, "My dream
strangers in schools that teach knowledge that
is to get a job with BHP. If only I could do this, I
may not be relevant.
would be happy". Unfortunately for her, herdream did not come true. In many instances ouryouth are lost to boredom, restlessness and
drugs. In addition, youth suicides are bewildering
Mining has brought roads, railways, huge
families, and there does not seem to be any
vehicles, noisy machines and smokestacks. Great
respite or answer to the problem.
Women, Mining and Communities
them. They don't want handouts or pity. Theywant what is rightfully theirs. They need JUSTICE
Today, I have provided information to enable
and their RIGHTS. We can deal with our problems
people to develop their own perspective on what
if there is an open, honest, respectful process of
is happening to Aborigines in Australia. I have
doing business. There are no easy ways of
tried to describe the confusion, frustration, anddesperation of the Aboriginal women when land
undertaking business effectively between diverse
is allocated for mining ventures. I have also
groups. But I would like to make some
described some issues that impact on their belief
suggestions. Without taking away another
systems, their sense of injustice, and their
women's right to speak for herself, I suggest that
feelings of being 'out of control'.
mining corporations take time to understandpeople, be respectful, and work to stamp out
Mining does not only impact on the land, our
racism in their organisations. It must be
home. It also impacts on poverty, health,
remembered that it is women who are
homelessness and the rights of Aborigines. The
responsible for the children and that each group
violence and racism in mining towns create an
must have the opportunity to control their own
imbalance that has a domino effect on the
destiny. Most importantly, companies must
community's wellbeing. This effect can only be
ensure that appropriate strategies exist to allow
stopped with the introduction of responsible
indigenous women to have their rightful place at
business practices.
the negotiation table. As such, more steps may
As I stated earlier, we are a strong, proud and
need to be taken in order to hear women's voices
intellectual people. We are survivors and we will
in negotiations. Although we may live in poverty,
survive. Indigenous women must be the ones to
it does not mean that we are unable to make
make their own decisions. Nobody can 'help'
The Aboriginal Justice Council (1998), Our Mob Our Justice: Keeping the Vision Alive, Monitoring Report of theRecommendations of the Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody in Western Australia. Aboriginal JusticeCouncil Secretariat, Aboriginal Affairs Department, Western Australia 6850.
Women and mining in the
Cordillera and the
International Women and
Jill K. Carino
Cordillera Women's Education and Resource Centre
Jill Carino is currently the Executive Director of the Cordillera
Women's Education and Resource Centre, a non-government
development agency committed to the pursuit of women's
rights and indigenous peoples' rights in the Cordillera Region,
Philippines. She is also on the Executive Committee of the
Cordillera Peoples' Alliance for the Defence of the Ancestral
Domain and for Self-Determination (CPA).
Indigenous mining and women in
developed their own indigenous knowledge, skillsand practices in gold mining which have proven
to be environment-friendly and sustainable. This
The Cordillera, Philippines has a long history
indigenous knowledge has been passed on from
of mining. In Benguet Province, the
generation to generation, undergoing little change
indigenous people of Itogon have been gold
mining for at least 1,000 years. Small-scalemining is still practiced by the Ibaloy and
The involvement of women is a unique aspect of
Kankana-ey people of Benguet, as well as by
traditional mining in the Cordillera. Men and
other people throughout the provinces of the
women are equal partners in the whole mining
Cordillera. However, the practice has steadily
process, with the proceeds from the gold equally
declined through the years, marginalised by and
divided among all members of the team or
unable to compete with the large-scale mining
kompanya. Previously, men and women alike used
operations of giant corporations.
to work inside the tunnels. However, in recentyears, women have specialised in processing the
Traditionally, small-scale mining was an important
ore. In addition, the women are given the unused
part of community life in Itogon, providing the
tailings of the crushed ore, or linang, which can
major means of livelihood for the people. It
be refined further to extract the remaining gold.
provided a stable source of income for many
The gold that the women recover from the linang
generations, complemented by agricultural
is theirs to sell and the proceeds are shared only
production. The community regarded gold as a
among the women.
God-given resource and believed that miningshould be undertaken to meet the needs of thefamily and the community, not for the
Impact of large-scale mining on
accumulation of wealth.
Itogon's small-scale miners use rudimentary
Large-scale operations by mining corporations
technology for gold extraction and processing.
came to the Cordillera as early as the 1900's
Their methods involve a great deal of manual
during American colonial rule. The oldest mining
labour, using minimal and simple equipment
company in the country, Benguet Corporation,
without the use of toxic chemicals. They have
was established in 1903. At this time, it made use
Women, Mining and Communities
of American mining laws, such as the Mining Act
company. However, the mining company
of 1872, to acquire mining patents covering large
continues to hold onto its mining patents and
sections of the municipality. For many decades,
assert its claim over the land. This is despite the
Benguet Corporation engaged in underground
fact that the company has ceased mining
tunnel mining in Itogon, worming its way into the
operations in the area and is using the land for
bowels of the earth in pursuit of gold. In 1989,
other commercial purposes.
when the underground mineral veins weredepleted, the company shifted to open pit
Destruction of the environment
mining. In less than ten years, Benguet
Mining has caused serious environmental
Corporation exhausted the mineral wealth of
problems in Itogon including air and water
Antamok, Itogon.
pollution, deforestation, erosion and drought.
Toxic mine wastes have destroyed dams and
Today, the abandoned open pit mine,
silted rivers and the adjacent lands. Pine forests
underground tunnels, waste dump sites, mill,
have been destroyed in the surrounding
diversion tunnels and tailings dams still remain in
mountains, leaving watersheds vulnerable to
Itogon. These structures stand as stark reminders
erosion. Dust from the abandoned open pit mine
of the devastating effects of large-scale mining
and dumped rock and soil hangs in the air. Most
operations. Furthermore, Benguet Corporation is
of the natural springs and water sources, which
now using its mining patents to exploit Itogon's
the people depend on for irrigation and for their
land and water resources for various business
daily needs, have long since dried up because of
ventures such as eco-tourism, mineral water
the drilling of deep mining tunnels.
production, special economic zones, housingsubdivisions and other profit-making schemes.
Loss of traditional livelihood and impairment
The people's ancestral land and natural
of the productive role of women
resources have been plundered, and the
The destruction and depletion of resources within
environment and indigenous culture eroded. For
mining communities has seriously impaired
the women of Itogon, life has drastically
women's productive roles. Small-scale mining
deteriorated as the long-term effects of large-
sites were taken over by the mining company.
scale mining take their toll. The effects of large-
Only a few tunnels or pocket mines now remain
scale mining on the women of Itogon include the
productive, and these are slowly being depleted
of their mineral ore. Only low-grade ore remains,which has minimal returns for the heavy work
Deprivation of ancestral land rights
required in small-scale mining. Without ore to
The process of land registration was
process, female miners have lost their traditional
institutionalised in the Philippines during the
Spanish colonial period between the 16th and the
The women's productive role in agriculture has
19th century. During this time, citizens could
likewise been affected. Rice fields have dried up
register their land through the Public Land Act or
due to lowered water tables caused by
by acquiring a Torrens Title. Such legal processes
underground mining. Agriculture in mining
were alien to the indigenous people, who did not
communities has become unprofitable because
see the need to get a piece of paper to prove their
of the lack of water, lowered soil fertility and the
ownership of the land. As such, during American
expensive agricultural inputs required. The loss of
colonisation, mining companies were able to
traditional livelihood opportunities has forced
acquire indigenous people's ancestral land using
women, as well as men, to look for informal work
the Mining Act of 1872. This American law legalised
outside the communities. Many women, who are
the accumulation of unclaimed mineral lands by
tied to the home by childcare responsibilities,
American individuals and corporations. As such,
experience increased domesticity and economic
indigenous land ownership was not recognised.
dependence due to limited livelihood
Today, the government continues to recognise
opportunities within communities. Older children
Benguet Corporation's claims over the ancestral
are forced to enter the labour market in the city in
land claims of the indigenous people, endorsing
order to help their parents make ends meet.
the company's ownership rights over the surfaceland where the indigenous people live, and the
Increased Burden of Women at Home
sub-surface minerals.
Mining has dried up the natural water sources
Over the years, the community has undertaken
within communities. The lack of water places an
various efforts to assert their rights and to
extra burden on the shoulders of women since
reclaim their ancestral land from the mining
they are generally responsible for most of the
Cultural impacts on women and
Large-scale mining operations have
affected cultural practices within
indigenous communities. The
sustainable and equitable practice of
indigenous small-scale mining andits accompanying cultural values and
rituals are vanishing. So are theindigenous practices of cooperativelabour and reciprocal relations
associated with rice production.
Unemployment has resulted in
increased anti-social activities suchas gambling and drinking. The
number of out-of-school youth has
also increased because parents
increasingly cannot afford to send their
children to school. Some parents have
to leave home for extended periods of
time, such as those who decide to work
abroad to earn a living. Many families of
overseas workers have broken down
because of problems related to the absence
of either the mother or father, such as infidelity
or child neglect. In addition, some women's
organisations have been weakened and dividedby the company's establishment of pro-miningwomen's organisations that offer loans andlivelihood projects in order to attractmembership.
On the whole, the previously tight-knit indigenouscommunities are weakening as a direct result oflarge-scale mining operations.
LEFT: A woman from
a community affected by
The women's role in the struggle
an exploration project
expresses her opposition to the
against destructive mining
project in a community meeting
in the Philippines.
PHOTO: Ingrid Macdonald/Oxfam CAA
The women in the Cordillera have always takenan active role in the resistance against large-scale mining. In 1937 and 1962, the Ibaloy andKankana-ey women of Itogon fought for justice,
household chores. They have to walk longer
winning compensation for crops lost from the
distances to the few remaining water sources in
depletion of water sources. Between 1989 and
the community and spend long hours waiting in
1997, the community was also successful in
line to fetch water for drinking, cooking and other
stopping the expansion of Benguet Corporation's
household needs.
open pit mining operations into the communitiesof Ucab, Tuding, Keystone and Virac.
Health problems are increasing due to thepollution created by mining. Respiratory illnesses,
Word about the effects of mining on Itogon's wet-
poor sanitation, and skin diseases are common,
rice agriculture spread to other parts of the
especially among children. The government's
Cordillera. Thus, when mining companies
failure to provide basic social services has
attempted to open mines in other areas, the
compounded the community's inability to
indigenous communities rallied and drove them
improve health standards.
away. In many instances, it was the women who
Women, Mining and Communities
achieved these successes, as in the case of
was a remarkable and unprecedented event. Forty
Mainit and Besao in the Mountain Province,
five women from fifteen countries in five regions
Cordillera. Another instance of women's protest
of the world came together to share experiences
occurred in the province of Kalinga in the 1980's.
and discuss ways to resist the impacts of large-
During this time, the rice-producing peasants of
scale, multinational mining projects. The
Tabuk and Pinukpuk, the majority of whom are
conference generated widespread interest on the
women, demanded the closure of the Batong
issue of women and mining, and resulted in
Buhay mines.
resolutions expressing a collective position onimportant matters such as land rights, labour
The participation of women in the struggle
rights, indigenous peoples' rights and the social
against mining has resulted in greater awareness
and environmental impacts of mining. These
and unity within their ranks. It has motivated
resolutions were passed on to our governments
them to organise themselves and to undertake
and on to mining companies to pressure them to
educational activities and mass actions to protest
act on the issues raised by the conference.
against destructive mining operations. It hasstrengthened their commitment to work for the
The Second International Women and Mining
rights and welfare of women and the community,
Conference was held in Bolivia in September
together with other organisations.
2000 under the leadership of CEPROMIN (Centrefor the Promotion of Mining). On this occasion,
The international women and
more organisations joined the network, especiallyorganisations from South America, Africa and
Canada. Statutes and guiding principles were
The International Women and Mining Network was
drafted and ratified in a move to formalise the
born from the need to bring out into the open the
structure of the network. Organisations were
particular impacts of mining on
identified to act as regional coordinating centres
women, and to support the efforts of women
for each of the regions of the world. Central
around the world to resist or mitigate mining's
coordination of the network remained with
damaging effects.
CEPROMIN at La Paz, Bolivia. India was chosenas the site of the next conference of the network
In October 1991, Minewatch in London initiated a
to be held in the 2004.
project on Women and Mining, aimed atdeveloping a database of the past and present
The International Network on Women and Mining,
impacts of mining on women. The project covered
now also known as Red Internacional de Mujeres y
three main areas of concern: the social impact of
Minería (RIMM), is an expression of the worldwide
mining, the impact of mining on women's health,
solidarity of women, bound together by a common
and the organised resistance of women to
commitment to uphold the rights of women
multinational corporate mining. In addition, the
affected by large-scale, multinational corporate
Women and Mining project aimed to link women
mining. The need to unite with other groups is
and information from all over the world, enabling
imperative in the context of globalisation and the
them to identify common issues, establish a
worldwide liberalisation of the mining industry. It is
united front, and form support networks and
a challenge for all of us to find the most effective
pressure groups. It was for this purpose that the
tactics in dealing with multinational mining
First International Conference on Women and
companies, governments, trade organisations and
Mining was held in Baguio City, Philippines in
financial institutions, in order to bring the people's
January 1997, with the theme "Women United and
resistance to multinational corporate mining to a
Struggling for Our Land, Our Lives, Our Future." It
resounding victory.
The status of women
affected by mining
mines, minerals & PEOPLE,
K. Bhanumathi coordinates the National Network of Women
and Mining in India. She is a Hyderabad-based social activist
who is currently working with indigenous people in the
Eastern Ghats region on issues relating to land and other
She is also a regional coordinator for the International Women and
Mining Network.
varies between regions. Mining projects vary fromrat hole mining, small-scale legal and illegal
India has a predominantly agrarian population
mining, to large-scale mining - most of which has
that is dependent on the land and forests for its
been historically managed by the public sector.
sustenance and social, cultural and economic
Since the introduction of private sector
livelihood. Rural and tribal women are primarily
participation in the 1990's, a number of mining
responsible for nurturing the family, collecting
related community conflicts have arisen with far
forest products, and agricultural and livestock
management. These women have a very intimateand symbiotic relationship with the ecology, asthey are untenably linked to the natural
The status of women in India
resources. This link must be recognised by
Gender based discrimination and exploitation
governments and societies when they are
including female infanticide, dowry deaths,
conceptualising development objectives and
unequal wages, high levels of female illiteracy
projects. Women are frequently alienated from
and mortality, caste-based discrimination and
development paradigms and their close
other social evils, are widespread in India. A look
association with the ecology receives even less
at the literacy figures should drive home this
point - while the literacy rate for the total Indianpopulation is about 52.75% for male and 32.17%
Mining in India
for female, the literacy levels among ScheduledCaste women is a mere 19%, and for Scheduled
In India, as in most Asia-Pacific countries,
Tribe women is 14.50%. Female literacy is
exploitation of land for mineral resources has a
particularly poor in the mineral rich states -
long history involving abuse and plunder. India's
3.46%, 6.88%, 8.29% and 11.75% for Rajasthan,
Five Year Plans have focused on mining to
Andhra Pradesh, Orissa and Jharkhand
achieve 'development', demanding the forfeiture
of people's lands for 'national prosperity'. Mostmineral and mining operations are found in forestregions, which are also the habitat for tribal
The impact of mining on women
(indigenous) communities. India is a vast country
At a broad level, there are three stages of mining
and as such the history and status of mining
- proposed mining projects in untouched areas
Women, Mining and Communities
(Greenfields), existing mines, and
closed/abandoned mines. This paper specifically
Historically, men have been the only recipients of
focuses on the experiences of women displaced
rehabilitation programs that provide either cash
and affected by existing mining projects, and the
or employment to communities affected by
problems experienced as a result of
mining. As a result, women have become
completely 'idle' in the economic sphere. Often,
In India, it is estimated that 50 million people
when men gain employment, women are forced
have been displaced by various development
to manage agricultural activities on their own. In
projects and of these, approximately 10 million
such situations, women's drudgery increases,
have been displaced by mining projects. 75% of
and this results in share cropping and to thegradual mortgaging of land. In many situations,
people displaced have not yet received any form
the seasonal migration of labour leads to work
of compensation or rehabilitation.
insecurity, the break down of family relations andit exposes them to various social hazards.
Land and forests
Women from land-owning communities have been
In India, women have no legal rights over land or
forced into wage labour, which is considered to
natural resources. The Land Acquisition Act is
be a socially and economically humiliating shift.
draconian and obsolete, providing over-riding
In addition, women are often forced into petty
powers to the state to encroach onto people's
trades that expose them to further exploitation
lands for any 'public purpose', including mining.
due to their illiteracy, lack of skills and the social
To this day, the country does not have any relief
taboos of participating within these sectors.
and rehabilitation policy as a constitutionalsafeguard for its people. Local communities are
Displaced tribal communities that are not
not consulted about the acquisition of their land
provided with compensation or rehabilitation,
for projects and women are especially
migrate to bordering states in search of land and
marginalized in the negotiation process. They are
forests. They cut down vast stretches of forest forsurvival and face the harassment of the Forestry
the last people to be informed about land
Department who accuse them of practicing
acquisitions and their opinions and objections are
'unsustainable' agriculture. Often women, both
rarely taken into account during decision-making.
old and young, are forced to keep moving with
Testimonies from women living in the coalmining
their children due to multiple displacements.
areas of Orissa (Talcher) show that displacementand loss of land are the most serious problems
Women as mine labour
affecting their lives as their livelihood, economic
Displaced women are mostly absorbed into the
and social status, and health and security all
small private or unorganised sector of mining
depend on land and forests. Mining has resulted in
related activities, where women are the first to be
the total destruction of traditional forms of
retrenched, have no work safety measures, are
livelihood and of women's roles within subsistence
susceptible to serious health hazards, and are
communities. Women displaced by mining lose the
exposed to sexual exploitation. The large scale
right to cultivate traditional crops and due to forest
mines, which are increasingly technology
destruction, are unable to collect forest produce
dependant, have no scope for women's
for sale or consumption. As a result, they are
participation as they are often illiterate, lack
forced into menial and marginalised forms of
technical skills and face cultural prejudices.
labour as maids, servants, construction labourers
Although women once formed 30-40% of the
or prostitutes - positions that are highly
workforce in the mining sector, they now
unorganised and socially humiliating.
constitute less than 12%, and represent only 5%
Abundant medicinal plants are lost due to forest
of the coal mining workforce.
destruction, leaving women without a natural
Whilst large-scale mining has limited scope for
health support system. Often they are too poor to
women's employment, the small-scale sector
purchase medical services and medicines (if
absorbs women as contract or bonded labour
available). Furthermore, as the mining companies
under highly exploitative conditions. Women's
do not pay for their miner's medical expenses,
wages are always less than that of men, safety
employed men spend a large proportion of their
standards are non-existent, paid holidays are not
wages on medicine, falling into a vicious cycle of
allowed even during pregnancy or childbirth,
indebtedness that drags the whole family into
work equipment is not provided, and there are
no toilets or facilities available. Unemployed
women living in mining communities eke out their
exhaustible 'sustainability' of mining. The
livelihood by scavenging on the tailings and
government has declared the mine bankrupt and
waste dumps, often illegally, and suffer from the
exhausted, and is currently engaged in a legal
constant harassment of company guards, local
battle with the union to ensure closure. As the
Mafia and the police. They are exposed to the
laid-off men remain idle, women are forced out of
physical and sexual exploitation of the mine-
their homes to eke out a living for their families.
owners, contractors and miners and are at the
The whole mining town sees women and young
mercy of local traders when selling their ores. In
girls leaving their homes at four in the morning to
addition, women work with toxic, hazardous
travel 100-150 kms for work as maids and factory
substances and suffer from several occupational
labour, returning late at night. In a span of one
illnesses including respiratory and reproductive
year since closure, there have been at least 35
problems, silicosis, tuberculosis, leukemia, and
deaths in this small town due to stress and
trauma. The government and the company havedeliberately washed their hands off any
Most women working in mines have to leave their
responsibility towards the future of the miners
children at home, unattended, for the entire
except for offering a small compensation
working day. If they manage to take their children
payment. The land is unfit for any use other than
to the mine-site, they expose them to high levels
mining, and women and communities have been
of dust and noise pollution. In addition, the
left in despair.
children are at risk of falling into the mine pitswhile playing and are susceptible to accidentsfrom mine blasting.
Negotiations with the
government, industry and
The social and cultural impacts
In India, communities displaced or affected by
The living conditions of women displaced by
mining have mainly dealt with the public sector
mining have serious negative impacts on women.
to redress grievances or negotiate a
The resettled tribal peoples of the bauxite, coal
resettlement. The fact that 75% of displaced
and iron-ore mines in Jharkhand, Orissa,
people are still not rehabilitated, is clear
Chattisgarh and Andhra Pradesh, are now
evidence of the government and industry's lack
crammed into badly constructed houses. These
of motivation to implement rehabilitation
quarters are of poor quality and have no water,
programs. Large multinational mining companies
toilets, electricity or open spaces for recreation or
have only recently entered the industry and
socialising. Conditions within these resettled
communities have not yet had experience
communities provide an ugly contrast to
dealing with such macro players. However, these
standards within traditional settlements.
companies have exhibited considerable influencewhen lobbying for changes in mining policies
Tribal women's loss of economic status and the
and legislation in the very short time since their
increase in the non-tribal population in mining
entry into the market.
communities has resulted in degrading socialcustoms. The traditional practice of bride pricehas shifted to the Hindu system of dowries and
A few cases studies
extravagant marriage ceremonies. Social evils like
Coalmining in Hazaribagh
wife battering, alcoholism, indebtedness, physical
The World Bank coalmine in Hazaribagh
and sexual harassment, prostitution, polygamy
provides further evidence of mining based social
and desertion have emerged in many places.
injustice and ecological destruction. In addition
Human rights violations on female miners or
to having to use water contaminated by coal
women affected by mining have increased and
washeries, women are often harassed and
are actively encouraged by state and corporate
assaulted when collecting wood, working, or
when visiting neighbouring villages. The womenare too afraid of the 'Coal Mafia' to give
The status and experiences of
testimonies of these incidents in public hearings
women in closed/abandoned
or meetings. The local NGO, which is helping thewomen who were victims of these atrocities, is
facing police harassment and false criminal
The lives of the women living in the gold mines of
charges. Although the Inspection Panel of the
Kolar, Karnataka, provide stark evidence of the
World Bank has been approached regarding
Women, Mining and Communities
these grievances,women are yet toexperience justice.
The struggle in Kasipur:
Having seen the fate ofwomen affected by mining inother parts of their own state ofOrissa, the tribal women inKasipur have been fighting since1992 to oppose the proposedAlumina plant. The local organisation,PSSP, has faced state repression andcorporate abuse whilst fighting themining company, which is a joint venturebetween Alcan (Canada), Norsk Hydro(Norway - this company has recentlywithdrawn) and Indal (India). This joint venturehas enlisted non-tribal Mafia, political goons,and attempted to create alliances withdevelopment agencies like BPD (BusinessPartners for Development) to achieve their aims.
However, these tactics have only createdtensions and rivalries between the tribalcommunities who stand to lose their lands andthe non-tribal communities, who entertain hopesof employment. Women have refused to allowaccess to their villages or relent to pressureexerted by the company, even after the fatal
ABOVE: Community members at
shooting of one tribal woman and the injury of
a meeting
present their complaints about a mine operation.
The case of Rio Tinto in India:
PHOTO: Ingrid Macdonald/Oxfam CAA
The abuse of communities by multinationalcorporations is growing dangerously. Rio Tinto
gender based disparities in this highly populous
has entered into a joint venture for an iron-ore
country. As such, the entry of large multinational
mining project in Keonjhar (Orissa), an area
mining conglomerates only enhances women's
protected by the Indian Constitution under the
vulnerability to macro policy changes that
Fifth Scheduled Law. The Samatha Judgement of
negatively affect their lives. It is difficult to expect
the Supreme Court of India (1997) reinforced the
that tripartite agreements between communities
validity of this law and declared that all private
(particularly women), governments and industries
mining in the area is null and void. Yet, Rio Tinto
can create a level negotiation platform
has been issued with a lease in Keonjhar, which
considering the rates of female illiteracy, the
implies that multinational corporations are
limited dispersion of information and the lack of
influencing our weak governments to violate their
transparency from government and industries.
own laws at the cost of social responsibility.
These drastic changes in law pose an imminentthreat of large-scale displacement of tribal
Women and mining networks
women in the future.
In India, a national alliance called mines,
The collective voices of local
minerals & PEOPLE, has been established to
bring together communities that are fighting the
Local struggles against exploitation from mining
negative impacts of mining projects. An
projects are gaining strength, as the reality of
important focus of the alliance is the gender-
mining based 'development' is becoming
related problems of mining. A network of women
increasingly visible. India's government has not
is emerging to confront mining from a gender
taken any serious action towards reducing the
perspective. The participation of women in local
educational, vocational, social, economic, and
movements is growing evidence of their
determination to prevent further marginalisation.
mineral resource at the cost of other resources,prioritises the sustainability of the industry and
The national alliance has three important
not the communities. It assumes that
mandates with regard to women and mining:
development requires compromising on social
Demand for a moratorium on mining in
justice, especially with regard to women.
all Greenfield areas
From a gender perspective, what does mining
Demand for gender justice and
have to offer to women - atrocities, violence,
protection of the rights of women mine
degradation of social and economic status,
workers in existing mines
deprivation of a decent livelihood, and
Demand for the corporate
powerlessness? The MMSD report of
accountability of all the losses faced by
International Institute for Environment and
women, both in existing and finished
Development (2002) acknowledges the
widespread negative impacts of mining onwomen and it urges women to participate in
community programs created by the miningcompanies. However, for women from the
In traditional societies, nature is not offered for
communities in India, a few bags of seeds, a few
sale or negotiation. Neither are women
packets of medicine, a training program on
'negotiable' commodities. Traditional economics
micro-credit or an awareness camp on health, are
are based on balancing men's (and women's)
no compensation for what they have lost to
needs with ecological sustainability, which is the
mining or what future mining has to offer to them.
primary principle of extracting natural resources.
Therefore, they have an important challenge to
Current economic models, enlisted by the mining
pose - can governments and the mining industry
industry and governments, grossly violate this
carry out gender audits in mining regions and
traditional principle. The over extraction of one
prove the sustainability of mining to women?
References
International Institute for Environment and Development and World Business Council for Sustainable Development (2002)
Mining, Minerals and Sustainable Development Project Draft Report.
Women, Mining and Communities
Papua New Guinea
Women and mining projects
in Papua New Guinea:
problems of consultation,
representation and women's
rights as citizens.
Centre for the Study of Health and Society
The University of Melbourne
Martha Macintyre is an anthropologist who teaches at The
University of Melbourne. She has undertaken research in Papua
New Guinea for 25 years and has worked as an independent
consultant on the social impact of a number of development
projects within the region.
Critical discourse surrounding mining in
arrangements. Despite women's legal right to
developing countries usually oversimplifies
participate in this process, their voices are rarely
the political complexities of the projects by
heard and they exert very little influence on the
failing to recognise the agency of local
miners, politicians and government officers who
community members and governments.
make the decisions about mining projects. I
Multinational mining companies are regularly
believe that the social, economic, environmental
portrayed as ruthless foreign boards of directors,
and political problems that proliferate around
responsible for deliberately defrauding
mining projects would be dramatically reduced if
'backward' villagers in order to plunder their
women's voices were heard in this negotiation
country and destroy the environment. In Papua
New Guinea, this patronising and neo-colonialistperception of indigenous communities is
I would like to demonstrate, with reference to two
undermined by the political reality of the mining
mines, that the rhetoric of blame directed at
projects established over the last twenty years.
multinational mining companies is anoversimplification of the negotiation process and
Papua New Guinea (PNG) is an independent
the political structure of mining projects.
nation state with a democratically electedgovernment and the political and institutional
The case of Misima
means to regulate mining. PNG's Mining Actrequires consultation and contractual agreement
In 1985-6 I worked as an independent consultant
between mining companies, local communities,
for the governments of Australia and Papua New
and government on the nature of mining
Guinea to prepare a social and economic impact
operations, compensation, royalties and
assessment for the proposed goldmine on
relocation arrangements for all new projects.
Misima, an island in Milne Bay Province. This
Furthermore, it places legal constraints on mining
assessment highlighted the likely negative social
companies and specifies sanctions for breaches
and environmental impacts of the mine, and
of stated conditions. Papua New Guinean men
strongly recommended that women be given
are represented in all of these stakeholder
equal opportunity in employment, that women be
organisations and have the opportunity and
represented on relevant negotiating committees,
capabilities to influence the nature of the mining
and that their traditional rights over land be
Women, Mining and Communities
recognised. In addition, the mining company flew
the mine there and speak with Bougainvilleans,
a group of village leaders to Kidston in North
including Francis Ona, about the social impact of
Queensland to see a similar size pit and the
the mine. In addition, during the long negotiation
associated environmental damage. It was hoped
period a great deal of information about the likely
that by providing a clear understanding of the
environmental and social impact of the mine was
likely impacts of the mine, community members
provided to the community. The Mining Company
would negotiate an agreement with the mining
provided monetary sponsorship for the creation
company that protected the community's
of the Society Reform Movement, which is an
interests, their economic security and their
independent community group working to
children's future.
minimise and manage the socio-cultural impactsof the mine. The Company also supported the
The Misiman people were no strangers to mining;
creation of a women's organization, Petztorme
the proposed mine was to be the seventeenth
(Work Together), through the provision of two staff
foreign mining project on their island in just over
members and agricultural advice and assistance.
100 years. Before the commencement of mining
The community's main response to the risk of
in 1986, Misiman women vocalised concerns
future social and environmental damage was to
regarding food security, declining soil fertility,
pursue claims for increased monetary
increased land clearance and limited job
opportunities. Yet at that time, emphasis wasplaced on building businesses, gaining
The Special Mine Lease and Integrated Benefits
compensation and pressuring the mining
Package negotiations involved representatives of
company to provide more benefits. The voices of
the national government, the New Ireland
the women who foresaw the problems of
provincial government administration, local
sustainability were drowned in the wave of
government representatives, clan leaders and
enthusiasm for a role in the cash economy.
representatives from the affected villages. The
People were so enthusiastic about the idea that
Mining Liaison Officer, a government employee,
development would improve their overall standard
observed all negotiations to ensure that they
of living that they ignored the lengthy
complied with the laws that were designed to
consultations and information disseminated
protect local interests. This participatory process,
during negotiations. Was it simply a matter of
which appears just by international standards,
timing? Or did this lack of engagement result
proved to be inequitable as women were
from unrealistic expectations about the long-term
excluded from the formal negotiation process.
effects of fourteen years of industrial
Although they were occasionally consulted by the
company's community relations department,women where not represented on the relevantcommittees and were forced to rely on men to
The case of Lihir
represent their interests.
Lihir goldmine is located on Niolam, an island inthe Lihir Group, in New Ireland Province in Papua
Why were there no women
New Guinea. Negotiation between the Lihircommunity and the US mining company
involved in formal negotiations?
Kennecott began in the 1980's and continued
over a ten-year period, during which time regularmeetings were held between village leaders and
Lihirian men have very strong beliefs about the
Kennecott's public relations consultants. Before
role of women in their society. The exclusion of
the negotiations began, opportunities to earn
women from all-important decision-making in the
money within Lihir's subsistence based economy
early phases of these mining projects is almost
were limited and the majority of people had
exclusively due to the weight given to Papua New
relatively little contact outside the island group. In
Guinean men's views on 'tradition' and the
addition, the people of Lihir had no experience of
customary role of women. In 1995, 1996 and
mining and were initially wary of the proposed
1997, I wrote detailed proposals for the mining
development. As a result, the community leaders
company, the Papua New Guinea government,
pressed for benefits that they considered crucial
the Australian government corporation, and EFIC
to the island's economic advancement.
(Export, Finance and Investment Corporation)about the inclusion of women on committees and
Social Impact Studies of the proposed mining
as beneficiaries for compensation payments
project were undertaken in 1986, 1989 and 1994.
made to landowners (Gerritsen, R and Macintyre,
In 1988 a group of landowners were taken to
M: 1995; Macintyre, M. 1996, 1997). The
Bougainville to see the environmental impact of
landowner organisation, LMALA and the Lihirian
representative on the Board of Directors rejected
Where can women speak?
the proposal, claiming that it was utterly contrary
Traditionally, women have kept clear of political
to Lihirian custom and that men were adequate
confrontation in PNG society. As a result, all
representatives of women's interests. Lihirian
forms of interaction with the mining company
women's reticence in public forums has
have tended to be mediated by men. But on Lihir,
reinforced the belief that men are more confident
as elsewhere, women are becoming increasingly
in presenting demands, and are thus better
politicised and they will no doubt find ways of
representatives. Furthermore, Papua New
voicing their discontents. The best opportunity for
Guineans are very sensitive to issues of tradition,
women to get around the bargaining table is
and they resent outsiders whom they see as
during the initial negotiation phase, when mining
making criticisms of their culture, and as a result
companies are most susceptible to local
quickly dismiss outside recommendations for the
demands. However, traditional cultural beliefs act
inclusion of women into committees.
as an important obstacle to women'sinvolvement. Mining companies are reluctant to
The political context of women's exclusion
champion women and risk offending 'custom', as
PNG has been an independent nation with a
they are already perceived as culturally
democratically elected government since 1975.
insensitive and need to maintain a positive public
Women have the right to vote and constitutionally
image during the bargaining process.
have equal rights to men in all aspects of life. Yetthe traditions of male leadership are strong andwomen are only allowed informal influence
Project phases and the continuing
through husbands and brothers. It is only recently
problem of women's representation
that women have started attending meetings to
It is rare that a community has unified interests
voice their disagreements with men.
and is able to speak with one voice. More
In traditional Lihirian society women were and
problematic is that a community is transformed
remain the breadwinners, responsible for
by the mining project; the population size and
producing food for their families. The men
ethnic make-up changes, lines of authority are
continue to expect women to perform this role,
challenged, infrastructure, transport and
even when they are employed. The Mining
communication systems develop - all of which
Company and its contractors on Lihir tend to
alter people's perception of 'community'. Some
employ women in positions that are low-paid and
people greatly benefit from the mine, and others
unskilled, with only a few women accessing highly
do not - society becomes stratified into 'haves'
paid professional and administrative positions.
and 'have-nots'. Old ties that united people are
While the mining company does not advertise
broken, new ones are made. These changes
positions in ways that exclude women, few
occur with astonishing speed and at no point can
women apply for non-traditional jobs or for the
you freeze the situation and ask "What does the
scholarship and apprenticeship schemes. Many
community want?" You can only ask "What does
men have opposed female employment at the
the community want now?"
mine, objecting on the grounds that it is 'against
Gradually, as economic inequalities have
custom' and that it will lead to immorality. In fact,
increased, sharp divisions have arisen between
many men believe that they are entitled to
those who regularly receive royalty cheques and
employment before women and that they should
the people whose lives have not improved. The
decide how to spend the money that they earn.
select few that receive large sums of money rarely
Although most men give small amounts of money
distribute it within the community, forcing people
to women for food purchases, the majority of
with few benefits to turn to the company for
men's wages is spent on beer. Throughout Papua
assistance. Women are particularly vulnerable to
New Guinea beer drinking by men has become a
developing this 'project dependency'. Company
major social problem. On Lihir, men regularly go
funds that have gone to developing infrastructure
on binges for two or three days and spend very
and paying landowners have not ended up in
large amounts of money. Although women can
everyone's pockets. In addition, the wages
petition the liquor licensing board and insist on
associated directly or indirectly with the mine fall
various sales restrictions and even total bans, they
well short of amounts 'landowners' gain for 'doing
rarely exercise these powers. Women are reluctant
nothing'. Some Lihirian men are particularly
to publicly censure the men for undertaking what
resentful that the wealth has not filtered through
is seen exclusively as 'men's business'. Few
the community and have responded by placing
women report violence from drunken men to the
increasing demands on the mining company, most
police and often suffer in silence.
of which focus on environmental issues.
Women, Mining and Communities
There are several reasons why claims about
crucial. Should a mining company be required to
environmental impact escalate. The obvious one -
impose a system of political representation (that
that environmental damage occurs - is rarely the
insists on female participation in decision-
driving force. More often it is a way of protesting
making) that is alien and 'against custom'? In my
about increasing social stratification and
view, mining companies should not be allowed to
disparities of wealth. Whereas people initially saw
take on the role of the State by setting out the
the favouring of relocatees as just, they realised
rights and responsibilities of citizens in decision-
later that they too are affected, but they have no
making processes. As providers of hospitals,
legitimate claim in law except that relating to
roads, education facilities and other services,
unpredicted impacts on the environment.
mining companies already have a great deal of
However, it is not only the land they inhabit that
control over the lives of people in the areas
has been transformed, but also their values, their
where they operate. But mining projects come
systems of authority and their lives.
and go. Placing pressure on governments toprotect the rights of its citizens and not to
The changes in community structure over the life
abdicate control over service provision to
of the project raise much more complex problems
multinational companies will ensure that women
than simply canvassing consent at the beginning
benefit equally and for a much longer period than
of a project. For women who have very little
the life of a mine. This is the goal towards which
political authority at the outset, gaining the
political energies should be directed in order to
ground from which to influence the changes that
ensure that development actually improves
will occur over the life of the mining project is
women's lives.
References
Gerritsen, R. and Macintyre, M. 1995 Social and Economic Risk Assessment for Proposed Gold Mine on Lihir.
Unpublished report.
Macintyre, M. 1996 Social Impact Study of Lihir Gold Project, 1995. Unpublished report.
Macintyre, M. 1997 Social Impact Study of Lihir Gold Project, 1996. Unpublished report.
One day rich; community
perceptions of the impact
of the Placer Dome Gold
Mine, Misima Island,
Papua New Guinea.
Dr Julia Byford
Senior Research Fellow
Centre for Family Health and Midwifery
University of Technology Sydney Australia
Julia Byford is a medical anthropologist and midwife who
completed her doctorate at the Research School of Pacific and
Asian Studies at The Australian National University in 1999. Her
thesis, focused on women's health and childbirth in Misima
Island, Papua New Guinea. Julia is involved in international
projects concerning health, community development, midwifery
education and practice, microfinance and mining.
This case study is derived from the report
church and community affairs, with active
"One Day Rich' (Byford, 2000), which
women's groups existing in every village.
details a farming community's perceptions
Historically, Misiman women have held a
of the social, environmental and economic impact
complementary role to men in subsistence
of large scale gold mining within their society. It
farming, Misima's major source of food
highlights the importance of undertaking a
production. Men were responsible for the clearing
gender analysis within a community to determine
of land for gardens, which were then developed
the roles, knowledge, expectations and
and managed by women. This role gave women
responsibilities of the men and women. By
control over yam production and its distribution,
undertaking this process, a project team can
which is a prestigious exchange enabling women
ensure a more equitable response to the
to assert their status independently of men. The
changing social environment by removing barriers
introduction of gold mining by Misima Mining
to equal participation in the planning and
Limited (operated by Placer Dome) in 1989
implementation of projects.
fundamentally altered women's relationship with
Misima Island is situated in the Louisiade
the land, undermining their status, independence
Archipelago in Milne Bay Province, Papua New
and role within the community. In addition, socialvalues have rapidly changed since 1989,
Guinea, and is host to a subsistence farming
facilitating the breakdown of traditional social
community of approximately 14,000 people.
structures and the growth of a prominent
Misiman society is divided into clans, and
generation gap, both of which negatively impact
membership of these clans is matrilineal. Women
traditionally inherit and own land, although seniormen retain authority over some areas. Prior to
One may ask how it is possible for mining to have
mining, women held a relatively high status in
such a large impact upon the lives and wellbeing
Misiman communities due to their central role in
of women? In this situation, the introduction of
land ownership and food production for both the
mining into Misima involved the purchase of vast
living and offerings for the dead. Misiman women
tracks of land and resettlement of communities
had a relatively prominent role in public life,
previously living on this land. The mining
Women, Mining and Communities
company engaged men in the resettlement
store food. The increasing use of money in
negotiation process, excluding the traditional
mortuary feasting has had a significant impact on
landowners - the women. As such, royalties and
women's status. While yams remain the essential
compensation payments were invariably paid to
and preferred presentation, the use of bags of
the men involved in the negotiations. The defacto
rice as prestige gifts means that, as wage-
landowner association, Emel Ltd, has only one
earners, men now have access to a sphere of
female member on the Board of Directors. Not
exchange that was formerly exclusively female.
surprisingly, this board has been unable to
The increase in the cash economy has also
provide any redress for women's loss of land
created divisions between women. Some wives of
ownership. Women have been reluctant to
wage earners employ other women to tend to
approach any public government office or to
their gardens, which results in the distribution of
push for inclusion into groups, even though the
cash within the community, but at the same time
decisions of these groups may affect them. As a
diminishes the status of these women in the eyes
result, women's concerns about family and
of other Misiman women.
community stability have been lost amongst the
Social problems including excessive alcohol
more dominant concerns of men; namely power,
consumption have arisen due to the increased
prestige, and economic gain.
availability of cash. As is the case in most places
Money obtained through royalties and
of the world, it is women and children who bear
compensation payments has not, in many
the brunt of the impact of alcohol abuse.
instances, been distributed to women within
Repeated reports of wife bashing and rape
households. Instead, recipients have spent the
indicate an overall increase in violence against
money on personal items or given it to their own
women. In addition, Misima has experienced an
children - a process that would have been
increase in divorce rates and the numbers of
impossible when land was the major item of
abandoned wives and children. However,
wealth. Misiman women have found their
importantly, women are increasingly reporting
traditional power base supplanted by the power
acts of physical abuse to police and community
of cash, which can be acquired and disposed of
members, and are therefore moving beyond the
without their involvement.
customary sense of shame attached to suchactivities.
The quantum increase in the amount of cash inthe community as a result of royalties,
The introduction of mining into Misima has
compensation and cash based employment, has
provided opportunities for women to manage
had major impacts on women, undermining their
their own businesses. When the mine opened,
relationship with the land, increasing their
there was an initial leap in interest to start small
workload, and simultaneously decreasing the
businesses, a chance not previously available to
perceived value of this work. Mining has directly
women. Misima Mining Limited (MML)
and indirectly provided employment opportunities
contributed significantly to providing
for a large majority of the Misiman men living on
infrastructure and start-up support for
the eastern tip of the island and a number of
businesses, and provided training in small
'expatriate' Misimans. Many women whose
business management. Other basic business,
husbands are wage earners no longer create
management and financial support was provided
large gardens because the men are unavailable to
by the local government. Unfortunately, Misiman
assist in garden activities, especially the clearing
women did not receive substantial benefits from
of land, and also because they can buy food with
this program, although some food preparation
the money earned by the men. However women,
and clothing businesses arose as a result. The
especially those not engaged in the cash
ability of the local women to utilise this
economy, are placed under increasing pressure to
opportunity was limited by the lack of capital and
maintain these gardens due to the reduced
support from their community elders. In addition,
availability of food trees as a result of extensive
the training provided by MML was undertaken in
land clearance. Difficulties in managing gardens
English and had limited applicability to small
are compounded by the poor soil fertility and the
businesses which necessarily use the local
plague of African snails, both of which are largely
dialect. Furthermore, women were considerably
perceived by the community to be a result of the
confused about the level of assistance and
mining activity.
funding that MML was willing to provide forvarious activities and small business ventures.
In mortuary feasts, women's contribution oflocally grown food, particularly yams, has been
Women's organisations faced difficulties in
overshadowed by the use of money to buy trade-
getting assistance for projects, be it from MML,
birth, believing it can purify a
mother's system and promote
lactation and the baby's health.
The degradation of seawater as a
result of the mine's operation has
had ramifications for this practice.
Women report that the quality of the
water is so poor that they can no
longer drink it. Some women feel that
this jeopardises their own and their
babies' long term health. As such,
women often make up their own mixture of
salt and water to use as a substitute.
However, women who give birth at the
hospital seem satisfied that the medication
given to them is a substitute for seawater. AfterMML became aware of this problem, theyinstalled windmills designed to pump deep, cleanwater into special bathhouses, but there was littlecommunity support for using the facilities. Onereason for this lack of support is that theconsultation process was inadequate.
From the outset, MML was aware that itsoperations were going to impact on women. ASocial Impact Study (SIS) undertaken by MMLbefore the commencement of operations outlined
PHOTO: Ingrid Macdonald/Oxfam CAA
some of the difficulties women would face as a
government agencies or NGOs. Understanding
result of the mine. However, these findings did
how to work with these various agencies was
not result in sustained efforts to engage in
part of the problem. The required approach
continued discourse with women, or to resolve
involved writing a business letter to the
their concerns. In addition, women's presence on
organisation with a request for assistance. This
the Social Impact Monitoring Committee had little
seemingly simple requirement resulted in the
influence on the project management. This may
marginalisation of community groups without
be partly due to the fact that the committee was
business letter writing skills. Women were
run by MML's own community affairs staff, who
reluctant to write these letters due to their
failed to facilitate two-way dialogue, instead
inexperience, lack of confidence, and also the
using the forum to showcase MML's
difficulty in understanding such an unfamiliar
method of communication.
The company's initial response to issues raised in
Mining has also had a direct impact on
the SIS was to employ a limited number of
customary practice. The movement away from
women for secretarial, administrative, clerical and
traditional values is evident in the increase in
cleaning work. The company also responded by
young unmarried mothers, prostitution, and less
supporting local women's groups and
conservative dress codes. Environmental damage
businesses, and ensuring that women were
has also resulted in the alteration of customary
represented on committees such as village liaison
practice. The Island's environment is widely
groups and the SIS Status Review Committee.
perceived to be polluted. Residents complain
However, some of these mechanisms were not
about the taste and health of fish and the
conducive to women's participation beyond their
decreasing water levels of the rivers. Some
attendance at meetings. Having a position on a
women are disinclined to go to the rivers to
committee does not automatically mean that you
bathe, wash clothes or prepare food because of
feel able to speak, to be heard, or to affect
low water levels and the discolouration of the
outcomes. Participation does not automatically
water after rain, which they perceive to be
include those who were previously left out of
evidence of pollution.
such processes and is only as inclusive as those
Clean seawater is culturally important to Misiman
who are driving the process choose it to be, or as
women who bathe in it and drink it after giving
those involved demand it to be.
Women, Mining and Communities
Women's access to business opportunities
injection of large amounts of cash and the rapid
improved in 2000 with the relocation of the MML
social change associated with mine development,
Business Development Office to the Bwagaoia
has widened the gap between the 'haves' and
Township, and by the appointment of a Women's
'have nots' and has lead to a decline in women's
Officer. There is no doubt that the appointment of
economic and social status relative to that of
a Women's Officer was a positive step by MML,
men. MML's failure to protect the interests of all
resulting in part from an acknowledgment of the
identified landowners meant that they effectively
inadequacies of their previous efforts. However,
endorsed the corruption of a distribution process
many women think the appointment is "too little,
that was meant to be equitable. Male dominance
too late". Until the appointment of the Women's
within the government, and amongst Misima's
Officer, doing business with the mine meant
community representatives, also contributed to
doing business with the men of the mine, and
effectively denying women their rights. The
women found it difficult to approach the men,
government is also perceived to be partially to
particularly those that were non-Misiman.
blame for the outcomes of the project, as it failedto build village awareness, reinvest profits into
MML's expenditure on infrastructure has
village infrastructure, support programs, and it
indirectly aided women in negotiating a new role
generally delegated all responsibility for
within the community, with roads and transport
community development to MML.
providing accessibility to new markets to sellproduce and trade. In addition, government
The mine will cease operations in 2005, 3 years
initiated improvements to the maternity services
from now. The closure will pose unprecedented
provided by the hospital were also identified by
problems for the Misima people. Business
local women as a positive impact of the mining
closure, loss of employment, decrease in
project. Women also widely adopted MML's
transport alternatives, inaccessibility of shop
employee incentive program to build or improve
food, loss of electricity and the degradation of
their houses. In addition to these benefits, MML
buildings and infrastructure are just some factors
has responded to women's most recent request
that the community may face. On the flip side, it
to obtain an AusAID community development
has been suggested that the closure of the mine,
grant. This grant will provide assistance to the
and subsequent reduction in access to cash will
LWA [Louisiade Women's Association] to develop
result in a reduction in alcohol consumption, and
its 2000-2005 plan of activities and support for
as a result a reduction in violence against
some of the projects associated with these
women. However, the extent to which the Misima
activities. In the area of health, MML's focus will
will be able to return to their traditional practices
be placed on nutrition and HIV/AIDS.
has been negated by intergenerational disputesand loss of traditional values. The fundamental
Regardless of MML's response to women's
shift in the status of women and their unique
concerns and the benefits derived by women,
relationship to the land is unlikely to be regained
this mining venture has had considerable
after the closure of the mine, with repercussions
negative impacts upon their livelihood. The
for generations to come.
Byford, J 2000 One Day Rich; Community Perceptions of the impact of the Placer Dome Gold Mine, Misima Island,Papua New Guinea. Report submitted to Oxfam/CAA
Filer, C. Henton, D. Jackson, R. 2000 Landownder Compensation in Papua New Guinea Mining and Petroleum Sectors,PNG Chamber of Mines and Petroleum
Women, Mining and Communities
The polarisation of the people
and the state on the interests
of the political economy and
women's struggle to defend
their existence; a critique of
mining policy in Indonesia.
Program Coordinator with an Indonesian non govern-
ment organization working on indigenous rights and
Meentje Simatauw has over 13 years experience in the areas of
environmental, social and community research in Indonesia.
Meentje has presented papers at numerous forums on
environmental and community resource management. She has
worked for the Indonesian national environmental orgnaisation
WAHLI and has a long association with the Hualopu Foundation,
the Maluku Provincial Government and Pattimura University.
We give birth to children, we cannot give
local governments distributed 3,246 permits for
birth to land.
Class C mining activities such as sand, stones,
If our fathers continue relinquishing the
and marbles. Mining areas overlap with
land, where will our children go?
conservation areas regulated by state and localtraditional law.
A general overview
Mines, by their very nature, cannot be separated
The Indonesian nation is an archipelago of
from the land. Mining companies are dependent
more than 17,508 islands extending over
on resources from under and on the land's
5,193,252 km, including 1,904,569 km of
surface, and the geological processes that
land and 3,288,683 km of sea. The coastal
produce these resources. Likewise, in agrariansocieties, land is essential, providing the medium
landscape extends 81,000 km2. Many of
on which the livelihood of the community is
Indonesia's islands are small islands. Only 5700
founded. Although the land has provided a
of Indonesia's islands have names. Both the
guarantee of life over centuries for these
Indonesian land and the sea have a great
communities, it can also cause systematic
diversity of natural resources that have enormous
structural disaster. Communities face the risk of
potential for economic development. (Department
losing their surface land property rights if mining
of Transmigration and Forest Clearing
resources are discovered in the area. This
Settlements, 1995).
insecurity arises from the differing and often
Of the natural wealth dispersed in the Indonesia
conflicting priorities and interests ofcommunities, the state and mining companies.
landmass, 35% is subject to extractive industry,including the mining, logging (HPH), plantation
Mining in Indonesia involves mainly open-pit
(HTI) and the palm oil businesses. Indonesian
mining. Large-scale mining sites in Indonesia are
forest at the moment is in a state of critical
often located on community lands, natural support
destruction and is being degraded as a result of
areas, and traditional conservation areas protected
human activities. JATAM (Indonesia's Mining
under traditional indigenous law and state law. This
Advocacy Network) data indicates that in 2001,
overlap between mining and conservation areas
has resulted in a significant reduction in the quality
defend the country's performance to the world.
of Indonesia's environment. The cases of PT
This ideology permits the development of state
Freeport Indonesia, and PT Kelian Equatorial
policy that promotes economic growth rather
Mining (KEM) are examples.
than community prosperity. The implications ofthis policy focus are listed below.
Government involvement in mining
1. The centralisation of national policy and
The Indonesian Government has made
regional revenue (PAD) results in the
systematic efforts to maintain the existence of
creation of natural resource policies that
mining in Indonesia. As such, it has boldly
accommodate government and
pawned the fate of generations to come, ensuring
investment interests on the grounds of
the destruction of the living environment, the
'development'. This includes restrictions
suffering of traditional communities, a decreased
on traditional communities' access to
quality of life amongst the local populations,
and control over natural resources.
increased violence against women, and the
2. The destruction of community political,
destruction of the islands' ecology.
economic and socio-cultural systems
The State has asserted it's right to
through land parcelling, annexation, and
unconditionally control Indonesia's earth, water
the expropriation of community rights
and atmosphere through the State Authority
over resources.
Right (HMN) found in Agrarian Act No. 5/1960.
3. A clash between the values of
The government has used this ruling to justify
traditional society and economic policy.
their control of the state's mineral resources and
4. Traditional communities are faced with
of the process of land rights determination.
violence and forced change that is
Several specific cases indicate that the
initiated and supported by the state.
introduction of mining into traditionalcommunities has resulted in the loss or
The impacts of mining companies
marginalisation of traditional culture of such
on communities and women
communities, such as the Dayak Siang
Careless mining activities have caused the
community in Central Kalimantan. In addition, the
destruction of the ecology, social stability and the
Government does not respect community rights,
using the defence and security forces to represscommunities that oppose the presence of mining
on their lands. Not surprisingly, Indonesia hasdeveloped a reputation for human right's
Although almost all of Indonesia's mining
violations in the mining industry. PT Freeport
corporations contribute to the destruction of the
Indonesia, PT Indo Muro Kencana (IMK), and PT
environment and its ecosystems, none have
KEM provide examples of mining activities linked
undertaken the rehabilitation of former mine
to human rights abuses.
sites. This neglect occurs because theIndonesian legal framework does not encourage
Indonesia's mining policies are the root of the
corporate responsibility. There is no doubt that
problem, as they are entrenched in an archaic
mining operations change the quality of the
legal framework and discriminatory practices. As
environment. The main ecological impacts of
such, a fundamental and paradigmatic change is
mining result from changes to the geomorph-
required in Indonesia's mining orientation and
ology, and from the dumping of tailings into the
policy. Indonesia's flawed mining orientation has
sea. The destruction of natural ecosystems
its beginnings in the Mining Act No. 1/1967, which
damages the foundations of community life, as
outlined foreign capital investment policy. This
communities are dependant on the forest, water,
decree was followed by the creation of the
and plant-growth (forest, agricultural and
Contract of Work (KK) Generation I between the
plantation-based) for their dietary needs, the
Indonesian government and Freeport McMoran.
economy, their health and culture.
In 1967, the initial decree was supplemented byAct No. 11, which detailed basic provisions for
Economic impacts of mining
mining. Since that time, Indonesia has enlisted
In natural resource dependent communities,
mining policies that are exploitative and are
ecological change impacts the productivity of the
orientated to favour the interests of investors.
community and village women. This impact often
The Indonesian government subscribes to
begins with the violation of a society's land and
economic development ideology in order to
economic rights. The following examples
Women, Mining and Communities
demonstrate how the expropriation of land results
Changes in the fulfilment of family
in the loss of economic resources for society.
Ecological change influences the availability of
Before PT IMK (owned by the Australian
natural resources for the fulfilment of daily living
company Aurora Gold) began mining inher area, Satar and her family had a
needs. Communities that usually obtain
promising future. Satar and her husband,
vegetables, fish and other protein sources,
Ataklidi, were traditional goldminers in
including carbohydrates, from garden produce or
Serujan, a mine discovered by the Dayak
natural resources, are forced to outlay money to
people. At that period, they earned Rp
fulfil their living requirements. As such, continued
5,000 to Rp 30,000 per day, or
ecological destruction results in an increased
approximately 400,000 to 700,000 per
need for cash within the community. This can be
month depending on conditions. In 1984,
demonstrated with reference to a Dayak Siang
this family was able to buy a chainsaw, a
Bakumpai woman, whose daily food requirements
motor and made improvements to their
were obtained from her garden, rice fields and
home. Satar's children were in
the river. Following is a brief description of the
elementary school and they also had
effect that PT IMK had on this woman's life.
enough savings to school her sister.
Mrs Satar had a field as large as 10 to 15
Similarly, the Kutai Dayak traditional
hectares on the community's traditional
community has also experienced similar
land. Upon this land, she could harvest
impacts to the community's economy.
enough produce for one year, in fact
Kutai's traditional Dayak gold miners
sometimes more. With the introduction of
were able to support themselves and
the mining into her community, she lost
improve their lives until PT. KEM began
all but one hectare of her land to the
mining operations in the area in 1985.
mining company. Consequently, she had
Prior to the arrival of PT. KEM, the
to buy approximately 3 sacks of rice per
community collected between 5-10
month at a cost of Rp. 39,000 per sack
grams of gold daily, or 200-300 grams a
(price at January 1998). In addition, the
week, receiving an income of at least
mining company's operations polluted the
Rp.100,000 per person, per week. When
river, which could no longer be used to
PT KEM entered the area, the community
meet household needs, and no longer
was violently evicted from their land and
produced fish. Previously, Satar had
consequently lost their income. When
cooked fresh fish each day for her family.
threatened with closure in 2003, PT KEM
Now, as a result of the pollution, she has
was prepared to provide the equivalent
to buy salted fish. If there is enough
of 3 grams per person, per day, as
money, she purchases 2 kilos of salted
compensation whilst their mining
fish a month at Rp. 15,000 per kilo. To
operations continued. This figure has still
obtain bathing and drinking water, Satar
not been finalised (National Commission
must walk a long way to a water source
on Human Rights Indonesia, 2000a).
that is not affected by the company's
Newmont Nusa Tenggara's mining
tailings. Satar's livelihood is further
activities in Sumbawa have stopped the
threatened by the loss of her two water
production of palm sugar, an economic
buffalos, found dead at the edge of the
activity normally undertaken by women.
contaminated river.
As a result, women have lost an incomeof approximately Rp. 20,000 per day.
Social impacts of mining
Coal mining in South Kalimantan has
The presence of a large-scale mining industry in
prevented women from earning income
Indonesia has the potential to create social
from rubber plantations. This loss of
conflict and serious human rights violations.
income is equivalent to 2 kg of rubber
This conflict arises firstly as a result of the
or Rp. 4,000 per day.
exploitation of natural resources, which impacts
Women in Buyat Bay have been
upon the economic and socio-cultural rights of
impacted by the submarine tailings
communities. Secondly, pressure to maintain
disposal operation of Newmont's
investment security, political stability and
Minahasa Raya's gold mine. Populations
company security can result in the oppression of
of young milkfish, a major source of their
human rights and can subsequently result in
income, have declined with the
social conflict (Dianto Bachriadi, 1998). For
submarine tailings disposal operation.
example, economic pressure undermined the
compensation negotiation process with PT.
discrimination. In addition, "female" job seekers
KEM, which began in 1998 in East Kalimantan,
are often forced to fulfil the sexual needs of
creating horizontal conflict between
higher ranked employees (National Commission
communities and resulting in the emergence of
on Human Rights Indonesia, 2000b).
competing factions (the Pure Team vs. LKTML).1
Consequently, as a result of the working
Likewise, social conflict arose during the
conditions being forced upon them by mining
occupation of the PT IMK, with the formation of
companies, women's reproduction rights have
Team 60 in February 2000 in Central
been subject to abuse.
Changes to physical health and modes of
In Timika, social dynamics resulted in the
marginalisation of women during compensationnegotiations with PT Freeport. During these
Women are compelled by human necessity to
negotiations it was determined that
carry out their daily activities in environmental
compensation payments in the form of the 1%
conditions that differ greatly from those existing
fund would be distributed to men, as it was
prior to the presence of mining companies. As a
believed that they fairly represented women's
result, new types of illnesses have emerged
interests. As such, the women of Timika have
within the community and it is women and
suffered a double blow at the hands of the mining
children that are most susceptible to these
company. Firstly, mining companies have evicted
them: their livelihood resources have been taken
At PT Newmont Minahasa Raya mine's submarine
and destroyed. Secondly, the women do not have
tailings disposal site in Buyat Bay, Minahasa
the right to receive or manage compensation
District North Sulawesi, results from laboratory
payments. In addition, men's sole receipt of
investigations of citizen's blood and nails show
compensation payments has resulted in
traces of arsenic in the bodies of women. In
increased alcohol consumption, more bars and
addition, there are many people in the community
sex workers, increased violence against women,
that suffer from skin diseases, and experience
and increased violence in households. An issue
reoccuring headaches. The mine waste
raised at a Mimika Amungme Women's Forum
contamination is suspected to be one of the
(1999), was the use of the 1% fund, which has
causes of the many health issues in the
become a serious social problem. Paradoxically,several of the indigenous communities in this
community. Undoubtedly women's reproductive
area regard land as their mother in their
organs have also been damaged by this pollution.
traditional philosophy.
Komoro women in the Timika district have alsobegun to relate their health problems with the
Impacts on the community and women
consumption of polluted drinking water.
A number of traditional miners have been forcibly
Before the introduction of large-scale mining,
evicted from their economic activity by state
communities consumed traditional medicines to
funds and power. This eviction has been carried
restore poor health. However, when the mining
out using the government's claim that the
companies began exploiting natural resources,
community members are "illegal miners" (PETI).
the communities lost many plants that were
This is a violation of the citizen's economic and
necessary for the formulation of these traditional
socio-cultural rights. Allegations of human rights
medicines. Consequently, community members
violations have been levelled at PT KEM together
have had to purchase medicines to treat their
with the state apparatus (National Commission
illnesses, which results in an increased demand
on Human Rights Indonesia 2000b). Similarly, the
Dayak Siang and Bakumpai communities inCentral Kalimantan have accused PT IMK ofhuman rights abuses.
An unbalanced struggle
The change in function of natural resources,
When mining companies enter communities, the
modes of production and the power structure
residents are faced with two choices. They can
dictating access and control of these resources,
enter work in the service and public sectors to
has encouraged women to join with men in the
supplement their lost income, or they can
struggle against mining. A woman impacted by
choose to work for the mining company. Work
marble mining in North Molo in the West Timor
within mining companies generally involves
manual and low-skill labour. In East Kalimantan,women who choose to work as mine workers
We struggle to defend the cultural
with PT KEM are forced to endure sexual
location, sacred sites, indigenous rites,
Women, Mining and Communities
places where before our ancestors lived
and did rites that asked for rain and the
It can be clearly seen that mining companies
heat, protected plants, protected us from
contribute substantially to ecological, social and
sicknesses or other dangers that would
economic instability within communities. Women
impact the community. These naturalsigns have been able to be read by the
experience particular detrimental impacts
community. We do not want our children
including sexual discrimination and violations of
only to hear empty stories. So if these
their basic rights. Mining destroys women's
rocks are taken, then the children we gave
traditional existence, their productive functions,
birth to will never see a historical rock
their reproductive health, and causes the spread
because it has already been taken by
of discrepancies in women's socio-political rights.
investors and we will no longer be able to
Workers' organisations, which are dominated by
view Timor from the top of the rocks.
men, have never fought for or are not brave
(Irian Jaya Indigenous People's Institute
enough to raise cases of human rights violations
for Study and Empowerment, 1997).
against women. The orientation of discussionsbetween these organisations and mining
If communities reach a successful compensation
companies is directed towards economic issues,
negotiation with the mining companies, the
such as wage increases, subsidies and so on.
payments are generally claimed by anddistributed to men. As such, compensation
The paper calls for efforts to support a
payments are inclined to benefit men and reduce
moratorium on mining in Indonesia, as well as the
the roles of women within the community. This
cessation of new permission provisions for
disadvantage is compounded by women's
mining expansion.
nervousness about the resources available for thefollowing generations.
Article translated by Laurinda Bailey.
Notes
1 LKMTL (Lembaga Kesejahteraan Masyarakat Tambang dan Lingkungan -The Community Welfare Institute of Mining and
Environment) is a community organisation initiated by the affected community. This organisation has been fighting to erect
community rights for years against PT. KEM odious operation. Since 1998, LKMTL succeeded to negotiate with PT. KEM to
represent all affected communities. In 2000, PT. KEM put new strategy to break down LKMTL power by forming the Pure
Team that consists of some paid community members. With this strategy, PT. KEM relinquished all of the agreement with
LKMTL and started to negotiate with the Pure Team.
2 In the same year with the crisis in Kelian in East Kalimantan, PT. IMK also applied the same strategy with PT. KEM to crushthe community struggle. In Puruk Cahu, PT. IMK formed and paid Team 60 to fight against the local affected community.
Department of Transmigration and Forest Clearing Settlements (1995) Review of Phase 1 Results, Maluku and Nusa Tenggara,Regional Physical Planning Program for Transmigration (RePPROT).
Dianto Bachriadi, Misery in the midst of abundance. ELSHAM, 1998
National Commission on Human Rights Indonesia (2000a), Human Rights Problems around the area of PT KEM, West Kutai,East Kalimantan, Jakarta 22 February 2000.
National Commission on Human Rights Indonesia (2000b), TPF Report: Around the PT KEM mine region, West Kutai District,East Kalimantan, Feb 2000
National Congress of Indigenous Peoples (1998) Paper presented at the Mining and Traditional Society Discussion, Jakarta,19 March 1998.
Mimika Amungsa Women's Cooperation Forum (FKPAM), Statement of an Amungme woman at the Women's Health andHuman Right's workshop in Timika, 13-16 January 1999.
Irian Jaya Indigenous People's Institute for Study and Empowerment, Arso Traditional Society Institute (1997) Statement of a
Labour, love and loss:
mining and the
displacement of
Anthropology RSPAS/ Humanities Research Centre
Australian National University
Kathryn Robinson has worked as an anthropologist in Indonesia
since the mid-1970s. She is currently a Senior Fellow in the
Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, Australian
National University and editor of The Asia Pacific Journal of
Anthropology. Her current research includes gender and
democracy in Indonesia, women and international migration, and
community economies in Indonesia.
The Soroako nickel project in South
reached by rising at dawn and walking through
Sulawesi, Indonesia came into operation in
the company golf course (built on the site of the
the late 1970s, and was the first of the
former wet rice fields) and following the dusty
mining projects implemented by the 'New Order'
gravel roads which led to the mine site and
regime of President Suharto. The difficult terrain
beyond. People would sit around in the field huts
and fragile tropical soils of the region had
and gossip about daily life. On the distant hills,
supported small communities of semi-
fallow fields were visible as grassy patches
subsistence farmers, but most of these had
among the jungle growth and I heard people
dispersed as refugees before 1965 due to the
muse on a number of occasions that those
hostilities between Darul Islam rebels and
distant fields never seemed long way off 'before'
government troops. By the time I began research
but now they did. Framing this as cultural
in the community in 1977, the rhythms of
question, I speculated about the impact of
everyday life in Soroako were dominated by the
motorised transport on perceptions of distance in
demands of the mining company. Young men
people used to walking on jungle paths, or
almost universally worked for the mine or one of
crossing Lake Matano in small canoes. However
the contractors. Older men and women had been
after analysing survey data on household labour
displaced to the dry-rice farming areas behind
another explanation of the apparent perceptual
the strip-mined hills due to the government
change emerged: the perception of distance was
facilitated forced purchase of the community's
an artefact of the mining company's targeting of
prime agricultural land on the shores of Lake
young men (aged 16-36) as labourers. Farming as
Matano. The distribution of power between men
a principal occupation had previously been
and women and definitions of masculinity and
almost universal in the community, but it had
femininity had been transformed both by the new
become the province of women and old men.
labour arrangements associated with the mine's
However, at times of greatest labour requirements
domination of the local economy, and the
and when trees were felled to open a new field,
traditional ideals of gender roles imposed by the
farming households required the labour of the
Suharto regime1.
young men who worked in the mine. They wereonly free to offer their labour on their one day off
The villagers of Soroako continued to cultivate
(Sunday) and so labour intensive activities,
rice in the hills behind the mine site, which were
especially planting, but also harvesting, had to be
Women, Mining and Communities
scheduled on Sundays. As a consequence,
different matter - generosity to a neighbour or
agriculture became viable only in fields within 2-3
kinsman can be felt as deprivation, especially in an
hours distance by foot or motorised boat, so
economy where most household needs were met
young men could make the round trip on their
through purchased commodities, and even most
non-working day. Thus the fields they had
households with wage earners carried debts for
previously cultivated in more remote mountain
basic living over from one month to the next.
areas seemed 'too far away'.
Money was also needed on a regular basis forschool fees, to support older children studying
My host told me in shock one day that a woman
outside the town, and to make the monthly
had just died of 'beri-beri'. Her manner indicated
repayments on consumer goods (eg. chairs, TVs,
this news was a shock to her moral sensibilities.
A few hours later, a group of people came to thehouse to tell us that she was not dead: while
The reworking of models of femininity by the New
preparing the body for Muslim burial, they
Order state emphasised women's domesticity, and
discovered that she was in a near-dead state and
that women's citizenship was grounded in
her respiration was very low. They wanted help in
performance of wifely and maternal duties. Official
having her admitted to the company hospital (the
women's organisations explicitly promoted this
only medical facility in the locality, aside from a
style of 'emphasised femininity' (in Connell's
government First Aid post which was usually
terms), and in Soroako, elite wives replicated this
closed). The woman was admitted to hospital and
process by organising the wives of company
diagnosed as undernourished and suffering from
employees into a Family Association with the same
TB (endemic in the region). People clearly found
agenda. Furthermore, this ideology was reinforced
it shocking that one of their fellow villagers and
by the relegation of women to the domestic
kinswomen could come to such a state and they
sphere, as men now had almost exclusive access
struggled to understand how it had happened.
to wage labour, whereas both men and womenhad previously been cultivators of rice.
The incident seemed to force members of thelocal community to try and understand how a
In the early 1980s, Soroako had the highest
woman could starve to death in their midst, in a
contraceptive prevalence rates in Indonesia.
situation where many Soroakans were
Contraceptives were efficiently distributed in the
experiencing increasing purchasing power from
community through the mining company's health
their cash wages, and where expatriate
services program. Company employees, like civil
employees lived in luxury in nearby suburbs. The
servants, had certain employment benefits limited
sick woman was a landless widow with two
to the first three children. The company
children. People explained, however, that before
fieldworkers visited people in their homes, and
the development of the mine, she had assisted
'motivated' people to use contraception. In
other people in their fields in exchange for a
discussing reasons for contraceptive use, women
proportion of rice harvested. Hence, they said,
would link their need to space and limit births to
she could have a full rice barn, even though she
their desire to not be 'repot' (harassed) with too
was landless. The changed economy, with no
many children. In the contemporary scene, when
more wet rice fields, made it difficult for her to
men all leave the village early in the day to work
make a living in this way. Instead she had only
and return late, often 6 days a week, childcare
casual work, for example hand stitching newly
has become a much more individualised activity
woven silk sarongs into a wearable tube, to earn
and hence is felt to be more onerous. Increasing
the cash that was now fundamental to survival.
levels of school attendance has reduced the
Her teenage son provided the bulk of the family
availability of sibling caretakers and has made
income through the arduous task of collecting
child care a much more individualised task for
rattan in the jungle. After contracting TB, she was
mothers. Also, women spend more time working
unable to perform even simple jobs, and her
independently in the domestic sphere (and in
situation worsened. Her story illustrates the
modernised homes with concrete floors and
impact of the monetisation of the economy.
internal bathrooms which require moremaintenance), although some of the collective
In the past, a household's wealth was substantially
and social attributes of farm work, for example
represented by a store of rice, whereas following
doing the laundry in designated public spaces on
the development of the mine wealth was measured
the shores of the lake, are still undertaken. But
in the form of cash. A request for assistance from
also very importantly, the ideal of responsible
a rice barn was readily met - after all, for a family
parenthood, providing children with bekal
with a lot of land, there would always be more next
(provisions) for the future, can no longer be
year, and anyway, rice was for eating. Money is a
achieved by ensuring that children acquired the
would privilege the education
of sons or daughters.
In the mid-90s, very few
Soroakans had permanent work
with company. Some had casual
work with contractors, to whom the
company had offloaded its 'non-core'
activities. Several of the young women I
had known since their primary school
years had post-secondary training in
professions such as accounting. While many
had found employment in the provincial
capital, Makassar, once they returned to Soroako
it was very difficult for them to obtain work. In anew sprit of partnership with locals, the companyhad invited a friend of mine to take up a cateringcontract in the company mess. She recruitedseveral of the tertiary educated young women to
work in food preparation and as waitresses. They
small scale
were excited and delighted at the prospect of
miners return to their
paid work. The changed economic conditions
village after a day's work
brought about by the mine created new
panning for gold in the local river,
opportunities for them, and they were often able
Central Kalimantan, Indonesia.
to live and study away from the watchful eyes of
PHOTO: Courtesy of JATAM
their family and kin. Thus they were able to growand develop outside of the kinship-based forms of
necessary knowledge for farming, animal
power that had previously structured their lives
husbandry and collecting jungle products for
and had limited their personal movement outside
sale. Instead, under the changed economic
the home. As young unmarried women, they were
conditions of the mining town, providing children
the bearers of family honour and were obliged to
with formal education (for which money was
live modest protected lives until the arrangement
needed) was perceived as the ideal preparation
of their marriage by their parents. Education did
for future success.
not guarantee personal freedom or economicindependence, but did coalesce with other factors
Prior to the mining development, levels of
in bringing profound changes in the gender order.
education were generally low, but lowest forwomen and girls who typically completed only
In 1983, a woman stabbed her husband in his
three years primary education, compared with an
sleep, an unprecedented event. She then
average of six years for boys and men. Currently,
reported her act the village authorities that went
large numbers of young indigenous Soroakans
to her house and, as one put it, found 'not one
have post-secondary education. Their parents
grain of rice' in the house. The man had taken to
make considerable sacrifices to send them on to
drinking at the bars that had opened up to cater
high school, often in another town or province,
for foreign and other migrant workers, and had
and then to some kind of tertiary study. It is only
begun spending all his wages on drink. When
quite recently that indigenous children of non-
drunk, he had raped his teenage daughter. The
employees have been allowed to enrol in
distraught mother reported his actions to the
company schools. In addition, a privately funded
village officials, who were also her kinsmen, and
high school has been opened in the village. By
they counselled her to stay with her husband,
the time of my fieldwork, as a consequence of
respecting the sanctity of her marriage. She had
the government's compulsory primary school
no other source of income, and there was no one
education policy, all children (male or female)
willing to assist her in protecting her daughter. On
completed 6 years of schooling. Furthermore,
the next occasion that he raped their daughter
whilst making the decision to fund post-primary
while drunk, she waited until he fell asleep and
education, which in most cases involved out of
stabbed him. Somewhat to my surprise, this sad
town travel, Soroakan parents did not appear to
tale did not evoke the kind of shock that
discriminate between male and female children.
promotes collective reflection and feelings of
'How do you know which one has brains?' was
guilt, like the near-death of the woman reported
the reply of a man I asked about whether he
above. Nevertheless, emerging definitions of
Women, Mining and Communities
masculinity and femininity that were taking root in
and the state have explicit agendas with regard
the mining town compounded her economic
to gender relations; the company preferentially
recruiting men and the state promoting a nationalidealised model of domesticated femininity. The
The economic strategy of the New Order courted
promotion of particular models of femininity is
foreign investment and opened up the Indonesian
linked to the exercise of state power, through the
economy, bringing new forms of capitalist
naturalising of the patriarchal authority of the
production and global cultural flows. The cultural
family. Gender relations are influenced not just by
flows occurred in the form of mass media (music,
these explicit gender agendas however, but also
TV, films) and also through the complex cultural
by the impact of policies that on the surface
interactions experienced due to the increased
appear to have no direct link to gender, such as
mobility and flows of people in and out of the
the economic policies promoting foreign
investment. These lead to the new forms ofemployment that selectively recruit men, in the
In Soroako, marriages were traditionally arranged
case of mining, or women, in the case of factory
between parents. The cultural flows that have
work. The disciplinary regimes of the state
accompanied the opening up of the Indonesian
include the distribution of contraception and
economy brought with them new desires for self-
strong inducements for women to limit their
realisation through romantic attachments. Such
fertility. This is accompanied by state propaganda
perceptions of the 'modern individual', were widely
idealising the domestic role of women and
circulated in the mass media, and became
promoting stable monogamous unions (with two
realisable in towns where there were large number
well-spaced children) as the ideal. However,
of migrants, freed from the kinship ties that
global cultural flows also promote new ideals of
regulated their lives in their home communities.
self-development through the realisation of new
The ultimate expression of this ideal, a free choice
sexual/gender identities, promoted, for example
marriage, involved a major shift in power from the
through pop songs, TV and advertising. (Most
old to the young, and reflected the fact that the
Indonesian ads on TV use middle class urban
old were no longer able to enforce their will by
dwellers whose way of life bears little relation to
controlling the resources necessary for the
the lives of the majority of Indonesians).
payment of bride-wealth and the all-importantpayment for the wedding feast. Arranged marriage
Women's everyday lives have been influenced by
remained the concern of all who had been
the economic impacts of development projects
involved in realising them, and so in most cases
and by the social and cultural impacts of new
the family of the bride would feel a responsibility
models of femininity (and masculinity). The
to intervene if a marriage turned bad. Two decades
changes for women have not been altogether
ago, when the pattern of marriage was beginning
negative. Women have experienced more freedom
to change, younger married women who had
through increased access to education, and the
arranged marriages saw free-choice marriage as a
associated chance to travel outside of the village
great risk. They expressed the view that if you
to pursue their studies. Education, however,
followed your parents' will and the spouse turned
provides no guarantees of economic autonomy.
out to be 'no good', they felt bound to support
The emergence of a discourse of romantic love,
you. If you followed your own will you could not
and the opportunity for self-realisation through
expect such support. New ideals of self-realisation
romantic attachment, would seem to signify
through expression of sexuality was not limited to
liberation from kinship-based forms of power.
the unmarried, of course, and the community
However, it also leaves women vulnerable to
began to experience marriage breakdowns as
deception, betrayal and violence, especially given
married men abandoned their family obligations to
their increased economic dependence. The
seek romance with migrant women.
changes in the construction of femininity have tobe seen against the models of masculinity
Gender relations have been profoundly reworked
promoted under the New Order. In particular, the
in contemporary Indonesia, through the
hegemonic masculinity associated with a violent
development agenda of the New Order, and these
and authoritarian state, where male domination of
changes are very evident in the transformed
women within a circumscribed nuclear family,
economy of the mining town. Both the company
provided a model for the exercise of state power.
1 I have based the interpretive framework for the analysis of gender on R.W Connell's book Gender and Power: Society, thePerson and Sexual Politics (1987).
Mining, HIV/AIDS and
women – Timika, Papua
Nurlan Silitonga, A. Ruddick, Wignall FS
After graduating from Jakarta's Christian University, Nurlan
Silitonga studied epidemiology HIV/AIDS at Brown University.
From 1996-2001 she worked as a physician in a primary health
centre in Timika, Papua. She set up the PT Freeport HIV/AIDS
prevention program and has provided consultacy services for
STD and HIV/AIDS programs to several other mining companies
in Indonesia. Nurlan is currently a Masters student working on
STDs and HIV/AIDS at Sydney University.
Background
Mining is a unique industry. Despite its potential
Timika is a mining town in the Papua Province of
benefits to economic development, the mining
Indonesia. It is located near the southern, coastal
industry can also have significant adverse effects
area of Papua Island where the large goldmining
on the environment and community. The effects
company, PT Freeport Indonesia (PTFI), has
can mitigate the economic benefits of mining
operated since 1972. Timika is the administrative
operations (World Bank and International Finance
city of the Mimika District and it includes five sub-
Corporation, 2002). For example, evidence from
districts with a total population of 108,000. Twothirds of the population resides in the Timika area,
mining communities in Africa show that the
including the 12,000 male employees of PTFI.
spread of Human Immunodeficiency Virus /Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome (HIV/AIDS)
As a mining town, Timika attracts people from
has become a major health problem that
other places who migrate in the hope of a better
threatens both the community and the industry.
life. In 10 years Timika has developed rapidly tobecome one of the busiest cities in Papua
In Indonesia the mining industry plays an
Province. There are daily commercial flights from
important role in raising export revenues. There are
Timika to other cities in Papua and Indonesia and
at least nine large-scale mines currently operating
passenger ships frequent the town. Timika has two
in Indonesia. In the mining communities
private modern hospitals. One is located on the
prostitution, alcoholism, drug abuse and violence
mining site and mainly provides services for PTFI
are common (McMahon et al, 2002). These types
employees and their families, and subcontractors.
of social problems are well known to be potential
The other hospital was recently built to cater for
factors in the spread of HIV/AIDS.
the city's population. Both hospitals provide freemedical services for the Papuan, who are the local
This paper is a case study of Timika, one of the
ethnic group of the Mimika District. Various
mining towns in Indonesia. The topics covered
recreational and entertainment facilities are
are a) the spread of HIV/AIDS in this community,
available in Timika, such as hotels, motels, sports
b) the efforts made to prevent HIV/AIDS
facilities, and night entertainment. People believe
transmission in this population and the
that along with these facilities, the mining industry
challenges faced, and c) how the local women
provides employment opportunities and the
fight against this disease.
chance to be paid well. In addition, the recent
Women, Mining and Communities
economic crisis and the social problems evident in
orientations. Books, brochures and posters have
other areas of Indonesia have encouraged people
been developed and distributed to employees
to leave their home towns to find work. For the
through AIDS program activities. Company
local Papuan the commitment of PTFI to improve
branded condoms were also designed and
their quality of life through free medical care,
provided free to high-risk groups and the
education, housing, and other supports has
community in general in an effort to promote
encouraged them to leave their villages in the
condom use. Two drop-in centres were set up in
highlands and lowlands to come to Timika City.
the largest male barracks at the mine site so thatemployees could easily gain further information
The sex industry is prominent in Timika's
or counselling about HIV/AIDS.
community. Compared to other areas, there aremore opportunities for sex workers (SWs) to gain
Clinics for the screening and treatment of STDs
clients and higher wages. Approximately 600
were established at the government primary
SWs live in Timika. In the last few years there has
health care centre and at the brothel complex,
been an increase in the number of local Papuan
providing all services free of charge. Routine STD
girls selling sex for money, gifts and other
screening and treatment was performed for the
material support, including alcohol. The majority
SWs and training on STD case management was
of their clients are mine workers. There has also
provided for health workers in the Mimika District.
been an increase in the number of Papuan men
The program has been successful in improving
having recreational sex with SWs or having more
awareness about HIV/AIDS in the community
than one sexual partner.
(Chivers, 2001). Around 35,000 employees and
The spread of HIV/AIDS is a major concern in the
community members have attended AIDS talks and
Timika population. This concern arose in 1997, two
130 people have been educated as AIDS trainers. A
years after four SWs were found to have
higher percentage of employees and SWs are using
HIV/AIDS. There are several factors that make the
condoms, the STD rate among SWs has fallen, and
Timika community vulnerable to a high rate of
an increased number of people are utilising STD
HIV/AIDS transmission. Papua Province has the
clinics for treatment and testing of STDs and HIV
highest rate of HIV/AIDs in Indonesia, and
(Reproductive Health Clinic, 2002).
interaction with cities exhibiting a high prevalence
Despite efforts to prevent the spread of HIV/AIDS
of infection, such as Merauke, Sorong, and
within the Timika community, the number of
Jayapura, puts the Timika population at risk. In
infections continues to increase. To date there are
addition, the existence of wide spread prostitution
164 HIV/AIDS cases identified, of which 73% are
- with its high STD rate and high-risk behavior
local Papuan and 60% of these are Papuan
practices such as limited condom use (Ruddick et
women. It is a concern that infection rates have
al 1997) - along with a lack of STD diagnosis and
continued to rise sharply among the local
treatment services, further spreads the virus. As
Papuan. The major challenges to reducing HIV
of December 2001 there were 718 cases of
transmission include: high migration and mobility,
HIV/AIDS in Papua Province, 164 of which were
insufficient implementation of HIV/AIDS
reported in Mimika District. This means that
prevention programs in many areas and
Mimika District has the second highest rate of
communication difficulties caused by high rates
HIV/AIDS in Papua (Subdin, 2002).
of illiteracy and multiple languages.
HIV/AIDS program
Papuan women
A comprehensive STD and HIV/AIDS prevention
There are a number of reasons why HIV/AIDS
program was established in 1997 by the local
cases amongst Papuan women are continuing to
department of health and PTFI. The aims of the
rise to problematic levels. The prevalence of unsafe
program are a) to improve community knowledge
sexual practices, STD infections, and HIV/AIDS
and awareness about the risk of HIV/AIDS
cases amongst Papuan men is likely to affect the
transmission, b) to reduce high-risk behaviour
level of infections amongst Papuan women
practices among the high-risk groups, and c) to
(Reproductive Health Clinic, 2002). In addition, we
provide adequate services in the diagnosis and
found that many Papuan women who visit the STD
treatment of STDs.
clinic for infertility problems have a poor knowledge
PTFI has implemented a workplace based
of HIV/AIDS and other STDs. The Papuan women
HIV/AIDS prevention program. Employees receive
who had been infected with HIV/AIDS believed it to
HIV/AIDS talks during their initial safety
be a normal, curable condition. Furthermore, the
orientation and during subsequent annual
healthy appearance of the infected husband,
partner or themselves meant that women
These conditions combined with the societal ideal
continued unsafe sexual practices without realising
of monogamy reduce Papuan women's ability to
that they could receive or transmit HIV/AIDS.
discuss fidelity with their partner, ask their partnerto use a condom or for these women to leave a
In general, the dissemination of information about
risky relationship.
STD risks rarely occurs at primary health centres.
One reason is that a large number of health
So far the HIV/AIDS program for Papuan women
workers have limited knowledge of STDs and
only incorporates the STD clinic in Timika. There
HIV/AIDS and are thus discouraged to discuss the
are many Papuan women who have not been
issue. In addition, many health workers believe
reached by this service and are facing the threat
that married women do not need information
of HIV/AIDS infection. Their ignorance and/or fear
about STDs or that by asking questions they may
mean that they do nothing to protect themselves.
offend patients. Sexual health is a sensitive issue
Programs are urgently needed to assist Papuan
that isn't openly discussed; people feel that
women to avoid and manage this devastating
discussions related to this topic are inappropriate.
threat. These programs must actively target
A high illiteracy rate and also multiple languages
Papuan women, whilst incorporating Papuan
have restricted Papuan women from getting
men. It is important that men are aware of the
information about STDs and HIV/AIDS.
problem and realise that they have an importantrole in saving or tearing down their women's
Furthermore, the unequal power balance between
lives. Women's issues should be included in
women and men in Papuan society acts as a
every AIDS program and activity. It is also
powerful obstacle to women protecting
important that the government, private sector,
themselves from STDs and HIV/AIDS. Papuan
Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs),
women commonly bear the burden of household
community leaders and every individual in the
chores and managing the children and the family,
community promotes and provides a supportive
leaving them with no time for themselves. There is
and reinforcing environment for Papuan women.
a perception that Papuan women are responsiblefor bearing children to their husband, and womenare often blamed for the failure to do so, providing
men with a reason to find another woman.
The situation in Timika shows that the mining
Currently Papuan women have the additional
industry is conducive to HIV/AIDS transmission.
responsibility of providing the household's
Many mining companies operate in Indonesia,
livelihood whilst their husbands search for work in
thus the condition in Timika may occur in other
the city for months at a time without providing any
mining areas as well. A commitment from mining
support. They also have to face the fear that their
companies to support the HIV/AIDS prevention
men may leave them for other women, which is
program is important to curbing HIV/AIDS
becoming more common. Physical abuse against
transmission. However, prevention programs are a
Papuan women from their husband/partner is
collaborative effort of the government, private
commonplace and is considered as a normal
sector, NGOs, community leaders and every
practice. Often Papuan women are forced to have
individual in society. As such, they should be
sex with their husband/partner even though they
comprehensive, continual, and culturally sensitive
are unwilling, sick, or their husband is drunk.
to address the dynamic challenges of HIV/AIDS.
Chivers P C. Review of STD, HIV/AIDS Education and Services at PT Freeport Indonesia. Report to Public Health & MalariaControl Department. PT Freeport Indonesia, 2001.
McMahon G, Subdibjo ER, Aden J, Bouhazer A, Dore G, Kunanayagam R. Mining and the Environment in Indonesia: Long-term Trends and Repercussions of The Asian Economic Crisis. EASES Discussion Paper Series. Available at: {HYPERLINK"http://www.worldbank.org/mining/pubs/disc-paper.pdf" http://www.worldbank.org/mining/pubs/disc-paper.pdf. [AccessedMay 20, 2002]
Ruddick A, Robinson S, Wignall FS, Silitonga N, Wignall FS. (1997) Summary Report of PTFI employees, HIV/AIDS Survey,Timika, Indonesia. Report to Public Health & Malaria Control Department, PT. Freeport Indonesia Report, 1997.
Reproductive Health Clinic. Primary Health Centre (Puskesmas) Timika. Papua Province. Indonesia. 2002.
Subdin BPP & PL Dinas Kesehatan Papua Province. Indonesia. 2002
World Bank and International Finance Corporation. Treasure or Trouble? Mining in Developing Countries. Available at:http://www.worldbank.org/mining/images/79284_worldbankrv.pdf [Accessed May 20, 2002].
Women, Mining and Communities
Gender – describes the socially constructed roles
It should be carried out through the whole project
and responsibilities of women and men - what
and program cycle, from planning and design to
males and females do, what they are responsible
implementation, monitoring and evaluation.
for, and how they are expected to behave. These
Practical gender needs – are the immediate
roles, responsibilities and expectations vary
and practical needs women have for survival.
according to cultural, religious, historical and
Women's practical gender needs are usually
economic factors. Therefore, gender roles are
determined by the gendered division of labour
changeable between and within cultures.
prescribed in a society and women's access and
Gender awareness – requires gender sensitive
control of resources. Meeting practical gender
attitudes, a commitment to placing both women's
needs does not necessarily challenge existing
and men's needs and priorities at the centre of
gender norms.
development work, analysing the impact of
Strategic gender interests – involve bringing
projects on women and men, and designing
about equality between men and women. They
projects that involve both women and men. It
transform gender relations by challenging
requires knowledge about the impact that
women's disadvantaged position or lower status.
development activities will have on both women
Meeting strategic gender interests involves
and men, which must involve an understanding of
working with men as well as women to change
women's and men's social and economic
assumptions about women's role and place in
relations and experiences.
society. If these were met, the existing
Gender equality – refers to equal opportunities
relationship of unequal power between women
and outcomes for women and men, recognising
and men would be transformed.
their different needs and interests, and requiring
Empowerment – is both a process and
a redistribution of power and resources.
objective. Empowerment involves realising the
Gender sensitivity – means taking both women
skills and confidence to set one's own agendas,
and men seriously in development planning and
make one's own choices and speak out on one's
programming. It involves seeing what women and
own behalf. It entails a process of becoming
men actually do, rather than relying on
conscious, and thus denaturalizing, assumptions
assumptions; hearing both women's and men's
about gender based roles and responsibilities.
needs, priorities and perspectives; counting the
Gender mainstreaming – is defined as making
value of both women's and men's work;
a gender perspective central to policy
respecting both women's and men's views and
formulation, planning, program design,
human rights; and caring about how women and
monitoring and evaluation, human resource
men are affected by development programs.
management and budgeting. Gender
Gender analysis – is the process of considering
mainstreaming aims to ensure that women and
the impact that a development project or program
men have equitable access to, and control over
may have on women and men, and on the
resources, opportunities and benefits and
economic and social relationships between them.
participate equally in decision making process.2
Footnotes
1 Adapted from Juliet Hunt 2001 "Gender and Development Concepts"
2 OCAA 2002 "OCAA Gender Mainstreaming Strategy 2002-2005"
Women, Mining and Communities
Source: https://womin.org.za/images/impact-of-extractive-industries/social-and-environmental-impacts-general-analysis/OXFAM%20Australia%20-%20Women%20Mining%20and%20Communities%20Anthology.pdf
Issue 5, March 2016 OQNHE 3rd INTERNATIONAL OQNHE conference, Benchmark, Test Blueprint and more. Hello friends.Oman Quality Network in Higher Education is proud to announce the publication of the fifth issue of its e-newsletter. This issue provides a glimpse into the activities conducted by the Network through some articles related to the higher
Table of Contents Introduction . 3 About Us . 4 Director's Desk . 5 Buds Network . 6 Blossom Crèche . 6 Poomalai Women's Collective . 7 ROSE . 7 Rainbow TB Forum . 8 Blossom Dayspring Home . 8 Blossom Organic Farm . 9 Project Axshya . 10 Global Giving Campaign . 12 CEPT . 13 PPTCT . 14 DRC – TNVHA .15 Board of Trustees . 16 Acknowledgments . 16
