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Tunnelvisionreport - final pdf.pdf

Women, Mining and
An anthology edited by Ingrid Macdonald and Claire Rowland Oxfam Community Aid AbroadNovember 2002 National Office
156 George Street Fitzroy
Victoria, Australia 3065
Telephone: +61 3 9289 9444
ABN 18 055 208 636
Oxfam Community Aid Abroad is affiliated with the following organisations:The Australian Council for Overseas Aid (ACFOA), whose code of ethics we are bound by (for a copy of thecode contact the national office); Oxfam International, whose constitution and code of conduct we arebound by; and the Refugee Council of Australia.
The publication of this report has utilised the skills, knowledge and hard work of many dedicated people.
We would like to thank all of the many volunteers who assisted with the publication and the forum. Wewould also like to especially thank the women who shared their inspirational and educational experiencesand expertise with the forum participants. Ingrid Macdonald and Claire Rowland Assistant Editors: Sarah Hartridge and Jo Sanson Anna Hutchens, Nalini Kasynathan, Colleen Savage, Michael Simon and Rezina Yasmin We appreciate any feedback, comments or input you may have with regard to the issues and cases
discussed in this publication. There is an evaluation form within this publication or comments can be
emailed to us at:
The views expressed within this publication are those of the authors and do not necessarily representthose of Oxfam Community Aid Abroad.
The report is printed on recycled paper.
This report is available online at:
Front Cover Photo: A woman from a community affected by mining lifts a rock in a stream flowingfrom a mine tailings pond to show contamination, sludge and discolourationunderneath. PHOTO: Ingrid Macdonald/Oxfam CAA Back Cover Photo: Student at Uiaku Community School, Uaiku, Papua New Guinea. PHOTO:Martin Wurt/Oxfam CAA

Forward – the need for a forum
Introduction: women's rights undermined
Mining, women and communities and Oxfam Community Aid Abroad
Indigenous Australia, India and the Philippines
An Australian indigenous women's perspective:
indigenous life and mining
Pat Kopusar
Women and mining in the Cordillera and the International Women and
Mining Network
Jill K. Carino
The status of women affected by mining in India
Papua New Guinea
Women and mining projects in Papua New Guinea: problems of
consultation, representation and women's rights as citizens.
Martha Macintyre
One day rich; community perceptions of the impact of the Placer Dome
Gold Mine, Misima Island, Papua New Guinea.
Dr Julia Byford
The polarisation of the people and the state on the interests of the
political economy and women's struggle to defend their existence;
a critique of mining policy in Indonesia.
Meentje Simatauw
Labour, love and loss: mining and the displacement of women's labour
Mining, HIV/AIDS and women – Timika, Papua Province, Indonesia
N. Silitonga, A. Ruddick, Wignall FS

Women, Mining and Communities

Forward – the need for a forum
Oxfam Community Aid Abroad has pursued Their papers illustrate how it cannot be assumed gender equality and women's that women will automatically benefit from large- empowerment in its development programs, scale economic development projects such as humanitarian relief and advocacy work for many mining operations. They provide real life years. The agency has also supported overseas examples in which mining projects have communities affected by the activities of overlooked or disregarded women's rights, Australian mining companies for the last decade, resulting in increased gender inequality and culminating in the establishment of the Mining further marginalisation, impoverishment and Ombudsman in February 2000. In this work, we have found that the grievances of communitiesaffected by mining activities often represent a The forum was the first of its type to be held in direct response to the continued denial of their Australia and it provided an opportunity for a basic human rights - especially their rights to diverse group of participants and presenters to prior, free and informed consent, self- learn from one another, exchange ideas and build determination, land and livelihoods. These solidarity. However, it also highlighted the marked grievances have proved to be largely similar requirement for more research and action to across the industry and throughout the lifecycle address the differential and often destructive of mining projects. However, currently there is impacts that mining operations have on women limited information available or discussion about from local communities. women's roles and rights in relation to theactivities of the mining industry. We hope that this publication will be an importantcontribution in helping to improve gender As a result, on World Environment Day, 5 June awareness and sensitivity of all stakeholders 2002, Oxfam Community Aid Abroad convened concerned with large-scale mining activities. We the 'Tunnel Vision: Mining, Women and would also encourage readers to complete the Communities,' forum in Melbourne, Australia. The evaluation form within this Report so that Oxfam forum brought together speakers from Indigenous Community Aid Abroad can better inform its Australia and the Asia-Pacific to explore the future work.
impacts of mining operations on women inaffected communities. The forum illustrated how Special thanks must be extended to Anna women tend to be excluded from the economic Hutchens, who organised the conference and benefits of mining and bear the burden of many Claire Rowland, who coordinated the editing of of the negative social and environmental impacts.
the papers contained within this Report. The It highlighted the need for all stakeholders to pro- whole team of volunteers who edited papers, actively pursue gender equality and women's assisted in the organisation of the forum and empowerment in all activities and projects. provided transportation and accommodation forthe speakers deserve the thanks and appreciation The forum's speakers came from wide-ranging of Oxfam Community Aid Abroad. Finally, backgrounds and perspectives. All have immeasurable thanks to the inspirational and considerable first-hand experience in dedicated women who traveled from throughout researching, addressing, campaigning and/or the Asia Pacific in order to share their expertise, personally living with the impacts of mining on insights and experiences with the forum women. Their confronting papers describe situations where large-scale mining has often haddevastating impacts on women in IndigenousAustralia, Papua New Guinea, India, Indonesia and the Philippines.

Ingrid Macdonald,
Oxfam Community Aid Abroad
Ingrid Macdonald was appointed as the Oxfam Community Aid Abroad Mining Ombudsman in September 2001. She has several years' experience in both the public and private sector in the areas of environmental and natural resource management. Ingrid has qualifications in politics, geography and law. She is currently enrolled as a PhD candidate in Law at the University of Melbourne, Australia. Note: The following introduction was not presented
comprised of numerous other important human at the Tunnel Vision Forum.
rights instruments.1 Governments do not have the sole The rights guaranteed under the international responsibility for promoting gender equality human rights system are universal, inalienable, and women's empowerment. Every interdependent, indivisible, and complementary.2 individual and every private sector actor, This means that it is necessary to protect and including mining companies, their directors and promote a person's civil, political, social, employees, bare this responsibility, not just economic and cultural rights, and what are because it is ethically and morally the 'right thing commonly called their collective rights, to enable to do', but because it is consistent with the them to enjoy full human dignity. It also means requirements of the international human rights that every person is entitled to the same level of system; particularly women's rights.
protection of their basic human rights no matterwhere they live and work. However, some human Women's rights are human rights
rights continue to be perceived as more legally All people - men, women, girls and boys - possess binding than others. For example, the prohibition certain basic human rights that provide them with on torture is a pre-eminent norm of international universal claims against society. The universality of law whereas the right to social security is not. human rights means that every person is entitled to Notwithstanding this on-going debate, human the same level of protection of their basic human rights are guaranteed to all human beings 'without rights no matter where they live and work. As a distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, result, these rights transcend national borders, language, religion, political or other opinion, economic paradigms and political structures.
national or social origin, property, birth or other The modern international human rights system is status.'3 Women are therefore entitled to the same founded on the Universal Declaration of Human protection as men under the international human Rights 1948 (UDHR), the International Covenant rights system. The Vienna Declaration of 1993 of Civil and Political Rights 1966 (ICCPR) and the provides, '[t]he human rights of women and of the International Covenant of Economic, Social and girl-child are an inalienable, integral and Cultural Rights 1963 (ICESCR). The system is also indivisible part of universal human rights.'4 Women, Mining and Communities However, in practice this duty is often far removed Given the considerable barriers to the from the reality of implementation, application and implementation of women's rights, there are key international human rights instruments dealingexclusively with removing the barriers to women's The barriers to realising
rights and empowerment. The Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination againstWomen (CEDAW) (effective 1981) and the Beijing There are many obstacles to realising equality Platform for Action of 1995 are two key between men and women, despite gender international instruments specifically concerned equality being a matter of human rights and with women's rights and empowerment. These social justice.5 Women comprise 70 % of the instruments provide an agenda for women's poor and this proportion is growing. Throughout empowerment and the elimination of the world, women work longer hours for less pay discrimination against women in the enjoyment of than men employed in similar positions and they their civil, political, economic and cultural rights.10 are grossly under-represented in private sectormanagement and political positions.6 Womencomprise the vast majority of the world's unpaid Mining companies and
informal and subsistence agricultural workforce.
As a result, much of the work of women, such aschild-care, household responsibilities and daily Human rights, applied through the international food and water provision, has no value within the human rights system and national human rights current neo-liberal system of economic laws, are intended to ensure that the rights of development. This system, based on so-called those who have less power are not infringed, 'gender neutral' economic theories, only places abused or violated by more powerful actors.
value on paid labour.7 Economic development Traditionally, governments have been considered to often serves to further marginalise the roles and have primary responsibility for upholding human responsibilities of women and exclude them from rights. However, rights and duties under any benefits of such development. international law are slowly being extended to non- 'The distinction between the public and state actors and individuals. Thus far, individuals private spheres operates to make the have been found legally responsible for war crimes, work and needs of women invisible.
crimes against humanity and other gross human Economic visibility depends on working in rights abuses.11 Within the current context of the public sphere and unpaid work in the globalisation, non-state actors such as companies home or community is categorised as are not only morally and socially responsible for 'unproductive, unoccupied and respecting and protecting the human rights of the economically inactive.'8 people who their activities affect, but they may beincreasingly legally liable as 'organs of society.'12 Throughout the world women continue to sufferpersistent and systematic human rights abuses Similarly, the feminist critique of the international for not other reason than they are women.9 In the human rights system questions the traditional workplace, home, health system, the public public (state/formal) and private (non-state/informal) domain and in conflict situations, women are conception that human rights duties are the sole subjected to violence, abuse and discrimination responsibility of governments and their agents. The that is often sanctioned or ignored by judicial and criticism has centred on the function of human political institutions. Examples include sexual rights law to protect those with less power from assault, domestic violence, forced prostitution those who have more. The critics argue that women and lack of access and control over reproductive are not just subjected to violence, and therefore and employment choices.
human rights abuse, by governments. In many The marginalised and impoverished position of situations, communities, families and partners inflict many women is not a 'natural occurrence' or the violence on women. Traditionally, such acts would result of biological differences. There are many be considered to be within the private sphere and illegitimate social, political, economic, civil and therefore not within the direct realm of human rights cultural barriers to the implementation of law, even though the rights of women are being women's rights and the achievement of gender violated. As a result, human rights law is failing to equality. These barriers enable others to infringe, protect those women who have less power from abuse and violate women's rights, resulting in the those non-state groups and individuals who have marginalisation, oppression and impoverishment more. Catherine MacKinnon describes such situations as 'pure gender bias.'13

This critique of the private/public dichotomy is Companies entering into negotiations equally applicable to the responsibility of non-state only with men, making women neither actors, such as companies, to protect and promote party to the negotiations, nor women's rights. Over the last few decades, there beneficiaries of royalties or have been considerable changes in the structure of compensation payments - as a result, international society. Transnational corporations, women are stripped of their traditional including mining companies, have unprecedented means of acquiring status and wealth; influence over patterns of economic development - Companies not recognising the religious particularly in developing countries competing for and spiritual connections of indigenous direct foreign investment. women to their environments and land, The influence and power of transnational especially when they are displaced by corporations has increased dramatically, in line mining activities; with the global movements towards a free market Women generally have little or no system supported by international multilateral control over and access to any of the institutions such as the International Monetary benefits of mining developments, Fund and the World Bank Group. The pressure on especially money and employment. They developing countries to deregulate markets and therefore become more dependent on privatise industries has made it easier for men who are more likely to be able to transnational corporations to have a far greater access and control these benefits; presence amongst some of the world's most The traditional roles and responsibilities vulnerable communities. Recent figures show of women are marginalised as the that the revenues of five of the largest community becomes more dependent transnational corporations are more than double on the cash based economy created by the combined Gross Domestic Profit of the mine development; poorest 100 countries.14 The workload of women increases as Given that the basis of international human rights men work in a cash economy created law is to protect the less powerful from the by mining operations and women have powerful, it is archaic to exclude powerful increased responsibility for the globalised mining companies from direct human household and food provision through rights accountability. As a result, mining traditional means; companies should be obliged to fulfil the duties Women become more at risk of required under the international human rights impoverishment, particularly in women- system, including those required in the area of headed households; women's rights and gender equality. The Women bear both the physical and responsibility of private sector actors not to mental strain of mine development, discriminate against women is also recognised in especially when it involves resettlement; recommendations relating to CEDAW.15 Women suffer from an increased risk ofHIV/AIDS and other STD infections, Tunnel vision: women, mining
family violence, rape and prostitution - and communities
often fuelled by alcohol abuse and/or atransient male workforce; and The papers within this Report provide practical Women suffer active and often brutal examples of situations where women have not discrimination in the workplace.
automatically and equally benefited from economicdevelopment and large-scale mining projects. In These grievances represent a denial of the basic fact, the presenters at the forum spoke strongly human rights of women from communities affected about their own experiences in which women and by mining. They do not represent natural children had consistently suffered the most from the occurrences within the community, but are the negative impacts of mining projects. result of gender insensitive projects that fail toconsider the strategic gender interests of women Similarly, during the case investigations of the affected by the project. As a result, the mining Oxfam Community Aid Abroad Mining operations have further disadvantaged and Ombudsman, women from communities affected disenfranchised women in these communities.
by mining operations have provided testimoniesdetailing the violation and infringement of their Realising women's rights
human rights.16 The following list represents aconsolidation of their grievances: Mining companies have a moral and social Women, Mining and Communities obligation and potentially a legal obligation under employees and management are committed to international law to protect and promote women's and required to protect and promote women's rights. Companies must therefore promote rights and pursue gender equality and women's gender equality and women's empowerment in all empowerment. There should be accountability stages of the project planning, implementation and incentive mechanisms in place for encouraging and enforcing these policies andsystems. Companies will also need to ensure that Companies should ensure that a suitably they develop appropriate capacity and allocate qualified and experienced person undertakes an adequate resources, and most importantly, foster independent and thorough gender analysis, withperiodic gender audits, at all mine sites. Projects the political will, to achieve successful policy should be gender sensitive, involving women in development, implementation and enforcement.
all elements of the decision-making and providing Overall, companies must commit to undertaking an opportunity for women to define what is their activities in a manner that is consistent with appropriate development and participation for the international human rights system. In order to themselves. Projects should consider not only the do so, companies will need to commit to practical gender needs of women, such as the obtaining the prior, free and informed consent of provision of food and water, but women's female landowners and women from affected strategic gender interests, such as ensuring that communities to any exploration or mining activity.
men and women have equal control and access Companies should also always seek advice from over the resources and benefits from a mine. local women about what are the appropriate Company policies, internal monitoring, evaluation ways for ensuring that their views are heard and and verification systems should ensure that all their rights are protected. See Macdonald, I. and Ross, B. Mining Ombudsman Annual Report 2001-2002, Oxfam Community Aid Abroad,2002, p 4 & 57-68.
The Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action - Fourth World Conference on Women, Beijing, (1995). Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted 10 Dec. 1948, G.A. Res. 217A (III), UN Doc. A/810, at 71 (1948) art. 2 Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action - United Nations World Conference on Human Rights, Vienna, 1993, 14Human Rights Law Journal 352 (1993) 18.
The Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, op. cit, 'Mission Statement', para 1 Available at: [Accessed November 4, 2002].
See respective United Nations Human Development Reports, especially the Report for 1993, p25 Available at:
Hunt, J. 'Situating Women's Development Needs Within the Human Rights Framework,' p. 24 - 34, in Moon, G (ed),Making Her Rights a Reality: Women's Human Rights and Development, Community Aid Abroad, 1996, p 25-26.
Charseworth, H. Chinkin, C. & Wright, S. Feminist Approaches to International Law, 85 American Journal ofInternational Law 613, 1991, p 614.
Human Rights Watch. Women's Human Rights. Available at: [AccessedNovember 4, 2002].
10 United National Development Fund for Women, The International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women. Available at: [Accessed November 4, 2002]. 11 See cases concerning: Trial of Major War Criminals Before the International Military Tribunal Nuremberg, 1947; Statute of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, UN Doc S/Res/827, 1993; Statute of the InternationalTribunal for Rwanda, SC Res 955, 49 UN SCOR (3452nd meeting), UN Doc S/Res/955, 1994; and the requirements ofthe Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, 37 ILM 999, opened for signature 17 July 1998. 12 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, op. cit, preamble; Macdonald & Ross, op cit, p 4-9.
13 MacKinnon, C. 'On Torture: A Feminist Perspective on Human Rights' in Kathleen Mahoney and P. Mahoney (eds.), Human Rights in the Twenty-First Century 21, 1993.
14 Utting, P. Regulating Business via Multistakeholder Initiatives: A Preliminary Assessment. United Nations Research Institute for Sustainable Development, 2002: Available at:
15 CEDAW Committee, Violence Against Women, General Recommendation No. 19, Eleventh Sess. No. 1, 1992 UN Doc. A/47/38, 1 Int. Hum. Rt. Rep. 25 (No. 1, 1994), No. 9.
16 See Atkinson, J. Brown, A. & Ensor, J. Mining Ombudsman Annual Report 2000-2001, Oxfam Community Aid Abroad, 2001; & Macdonald & Ross, op. cit.

Mining, women and
communities and Oxfam
Community Aid Abroad
Oxfam Community Aid Abroad
Andrew Hewett is Executive Director of Oxfam Community Aid Abroad. Prior to taking on this role, he held the position ofOxfam Community Aid Abroad's Director of Public Policy and Outreach for ten years. In addition to acting as an NGO Adviser to the Australian Government for the World Summit for Social Development in 1995, Andrew was also a member of the World Bank NGO Committee for four years. The Oxfam Community Aid Abroad
3. The right to life and security rights based approach
4. The right to be heard 5. The right to an identity (Which includes Oxfam Community Aid Abroad is an the right to equity in gender and independent, secular, Australian non- government development agency. We are Oxfam International recognises that all the people the Australian division of a global confederation of of the world are responsible for ensuring their 11 development NGO's known as Oxfam own and each other's human rights.
International. Oxfam Community Aid Abroad Governments, the corporate sector, NGOs, and undertakes work in local, regional and national society share this responsibility with individuals.
development and humanitarian response projects, Responsibility for upholding and not undermining and advocates for policy and practice changes.
these human rights also applies to the corporate Both Oxfam Community Aid Abroad and Oxfam sector, including mining and minerals companies International take a human rights approach to and individuals working for these firms. their work on poverty, injustice and suffering. Thisapproach reflects the view that poverty and Oxfam Community Aid Abroad
suffering are primarily caused and perpetuated by and gender
injustice between and within nations, resulting inthe exploitation and oppression of marginalised Poverty is linked with the violation of women's human rights. As such, in Oxfam Community AidAbroad, gender equality is central to all There are five human rights that form the basis of development activities and is a core objective of the Oxfam approach and Oxfam Community Aid our advocacy work. In response to the Beijing Abroad's strategic plan. These rights, listed Declaration in 1995, Oxfam Community Aid below, are enshrined in international instruments Abroad has promoted gender mainstreaming as a and customary international law.
strategy for the advancement of women'sempowerment. The underlying principle of gender 1. The right to a sustainable livelihood mainstreaming is to integrate and promote 2. The right to basic social services women's practical and strategic interests into Women, Mining and Communities organisational policies andpractice and also into every aspectof our programs and projects. Gender equality is addressedspecifically in our 5th strategic aim:the right to an identity. However, wealso promote gender equality as anintegral part of every strategic aim, andas a facet of every human right.
Over the last few years, OxfamCommunity Aid Abroad has directed fundsinto projects facilitating women'sempowerment and the promotion of women'shuman rights. To achieve these aims, OxfamCommunity Aid Abroad has supported gendersensitive projects, provided training on genderawareness and analysis and engaged in dialoguewith partners. We have found gendermainstreaming to be an effective means ofpursuing women's empowerment and thetransformation of gender relations within OxfamCommunity Aid Abroad.
Although Oxfam Community Aid Abroad has acommitment to mainstream gender in all aspectsof its work, there have been some challenges inthe implementation of this commitment. Analysisof Oxfam Community Aid Abroad highlights thatalthough gender awareness and sensitisation hastaken place in many of our programs, it has notbeen fully integrated into all aspects of our project LEFT: Women hold up their list of cycle. Programs aimed at the transformation of complaints about the mine pit behind them. gender relations and women's empowerment have PHOTO: Ingrid Macdonald/Oxfam CAA not provided consistent results. Our findings demonstrate that we cannot assume In 1990, the private sector accounted for 25%, that women automatically benefit from and foreign aid accounted for 75% of investment development efforts. Progress towards equality into the developing world. By 1996, the levels had between men and women does not take place reversed, with 75% of investment sourced from the private sector. Private sector investment can It is clear that if women's issues are not explicitly be an important driver of economic growth that incorporated into all stages of the programming generates poverty reduction, provided that and project cycle, achieving gender equality is appropriate regulations and controls exist. These difficult. Thus, Oxfam Community Aid Abroad controls and regulations must include recognises that the implementation of an benchmarks that promote gender equality and effective mainstreaming strategy is essential to enhance the rights of women.
improve the position of women.
Inequality between and within nations isincreasing rather than decreasing. We live in a Why gender issues are relevant to
world where 3 billion people - one in every two of the mining industry
us - survive on less than $2 per day. 840 millionpeople are malnourished. 1.3 billion do not have The private sector, including the mining and safe drinking water. 1 in 7 children have no minerals sector, has an increasingly critical school to attend.
influence over human development. As such,corporations have an increasingly important role A child born in Melbourne today will have a in areas affecting gender equality and the rights lifetime income that is 74 times the income of a child born in a developing country. 40 years ago that ratio was 30 to 1. 100 years ago it was 11 to come from as far away as India, Indonesian and 1. With 95% of world births occurring in the the Philippines to provide insight today into developing world, the trend is clear. Current numerous mining issues concerning women in patterns of globalisation are creating communities around the globe. It is important to opportunities for those with skills, education and remember that the negative impacts of mining on assets. Those without the opportunities - the communities generally affect women and children landless, the poor and the illiterate - are being more severely than men. left behind. These statistics are even morediscouraging when they are disaggregated In order to overcome gender injustices in mining between men and women, boys and girls. operations, companies and individuals mustrecognise the essential role of women in the Given the increasing power of the private sector maintenance of the economic and social throughout the world, including the mining and wellbeing of communities. Despite having this minerals sector, it is essential that companies role, women are seriously disadvantaged in most contribute positively to poverty alleviation and communities. This disadvantage is evident in development by protecting and upholding the access to education, health, employment, rights of women affected by their activities. This resources, legal status, freedom of movement, is especially important where mining companies control over their bodies and futures, and access operate in countries where governments have to services and benefits of development. In failed to implement national legislation consistent addition, women are under-represented with the international human rights framework, orfail to uphold these standards in their own everywhere in decision making and suffer from practices. Gender equality cannot be traded. domestic and public violence. Oxfam Community Aid Abroad has been involved Women's low status is not 'natural' and is not with overseas communities affected by the due to biological differences. It is due to social, activities of Australian mining companies for over cultural, historical and economic factors. This is 7 years. This work has culminated in our an injustice. All people, whether they work for establishment of the Oxfam Community Aid non government organisations or mining Abroad Mining Ombudsman. By hosting this companies, must be continually striving to conference, Oxfam Community Aid Abroad hopes achieve gender equality. This process must to place gender equity on the mining advocacy involve both men and women, working together agenda, and bring about changes in mining to overcome poverty, injustice and achieve policy and practice. Qualified speakers have equality within society.
Women, Mining and Communities Indigenous Australia, India
and the Philippines
An Australian indigenous
indigenous life and
Pat Kopusar
Pat Kopusar Consulting
Pat Kopusar has a working history in Aboriginal Health and is currently employed by Yorgum, an Aboriginal Family Counselling Service. Her recent accomplishments include writing an Aboriginal Family Violence Training Package and co- writing an evaluation of education programs for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women. Pat visited the tribal people of India as a member of Community Aid Abroad's Aboriginal program in the 1990's. Historically, the greatest blow to Aboriginal Instead, families consist of children, mothers and people's existence came when the British their sisters, fathers and their brothers, parents, Empire declared Australia to be 'Terra uncles and aunts and grandparents, both paternal Nullius'. Land was then sold to the 'pioneers' of and maternal. Each member of this extended family Australia and Aborigines were treated as a has a specific role to contribute to the family and nuisance. This marked the beginning of the community. Australia's modern housing model homelessness for my people. Despite loosing this damages this family structure by placing members war of spear against gun, cunning against might, into separate housing facilities designed for Aborigines prevail in the fight for the return of 'nuclear families'. This style of housing has covertly changed the community structure, assimilating theindigenous population into "colonised" peoples.
Today I stand as an indigenous woman who comesfrom this warrior race, a race that is proud, strongand intelligent. A race that had and still has it's A statistical background
intellectuals, singers, songwriters, dancers, story The Aboriginal population was first counted in tellers, law makers, law holders, healers, medicines, 1971. In the most recent census (1996), the hunters, providers, and protectors of our own family indigenous population was estimated to be structures, our own way of life, our own systems, 386,049, which represents 2% of Australia's total our own CULTURE.
population. Compared with other groups, wehave lower incomes, higher rates of I am a mother of six children, grandmother of unemployment, poorer educational outcomes, twenty-four, great grandmother of six. I learnt complex and poor health, and higher levels of about my heritage from my mother, and she learnt homelessness. The Australian Bureau of Statistics her stories and legends from her mother, who was stated "Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander born on the Vasse River on the South Coast of people generally do not have the same level of Western Australia in 1877. We are part of the access to affordable, secure housing as other Nyoongar Nation and are known as the Wardandji Australians. This can be the result of low income people: "the people who live by the ocean and levels, discrimination." The report also states walk the forest paths".
that our dwellings are often impoverished "sheds, Aboriginal family structures are not 'nuclear'.
humpies and tents". My observations are that Women, Mining and Communities Aborigines also live on the fringes of mining discrimination through the introduction of new towns, under trees, in creek beds, with little laws, and are constantly fighting against the shade, no toilet facilities and no water. Women process of disempowerment. This land is our and children exist side by side to other women home. The British Government's first step onto and children living in brick, tiled, air conditioned, our shores created homelessness that has since subsidised rental housing. A few Aborigines also grown to tremendous heights.
own their own houses.
Before examining specific issues, we must look Aborigines have high incarceration rates. We are at the big picture, the total environment, the land 10 times more likely to be charged and arrested in which women and their children live. Where do than other people are. Aboriginal juveniles they live? They live in a vast landscape of hills between the ages of 10 and 14 years are 25 times and mountains, trees and forests, where more likely to be charged than other youth and strangers only see empty rivers and very little our women were almost 14 times more likely to water. An empty land - a 'space' where there are be charged and arrested that other women no towns and strangers see no life. They only see (Aboriginal Justice Council, 1998).
areas that hold a promise of resources to be It is against this background that I present this used by the government, the mining company, and the investor. A place to be 'developed'. Butwe believe that these areas are already Through my eyes I see the land.
'developed'. If asked, Indigenous women will tell you that every tree has a meaning and a use, It is almost impossible to create a picture that warmth and comfort, shelter and shade, healing captures the diversity of Aboriginal women's and food. The land isn't empty. The bushes and experience throughout Australia. Instead, I will trees are teeming with food for the children. The provide a perspective based on 35 years of living valleys, the mountains, the great boulders, the and working across the state of Western Australia lakes, the water sources, the wind, the air, the in remote and urban Aboriginal communities, sky, the fire, the lightning, the thunder; every part particularly those located on or near mining sites of the land has a message for the people.
and their ports. My work, both as a volunteer andan employee, has provided me with the The trees - a law.
opportunity to sit with my peers and discuss Aboriginal culture outlaws the desecration of mining, the government, royalties, the mining bushes and trees. On our land no tree can be organisations, and ourselves – Aboriginal women.
taken, and no branch broken, unless the tree's I have experienced first hand the flood of alcohol caretaker or custodian has granted permission.
into small mining towns in the Pilbara Region. I I was new to the Pilbara region when I spoke to have also seen the influx of men from strange the wise old man and his wife. They smiled at my countries brought to work on the mines. During ignorance when I asked why people didn't carve this time our men could only stand and wonder.
artefacts, the boomerang and spear, to make The coming of the mines has brought more some extra money. The wise man explained that roads, noisy machines, tractors, semi-trailers and the boomerang was carved from a special tree, road camps into Aboriginal land. Large machines the snakewood tree, which grew a long way from shift the ground from place to place, leaving where he was living. In addition, the trees great big holes in the earth. Strange men blast belonged to another man, a man from another the rock and the mountains to create railway land that spoke a different language. "Anyway" tracks. These activities have frightened and he said, "I would need to ask permission from the dispossessed the birds, animals, and small game caretaker of those snakewood trees before I such as the goanna, snake and porcupine. Our could break a branch. I could not be bad food has run away.
mannered to ask for more than one or two at the Mining has created a restless and confused most. How much would one boomerang sell for?" Not enough to feed and clothe him and his wife.
The indigenous women of Australia have had Not everyone knows these rules and obeys them.
their lives disrupted by the arrival of strangers How do traditional caretakers feel when the trees bringing mining to their land. The women who are uprooted and cast aside to make room for provided care to the small children of the first roads and buildings? They feel that it is the nation have been dispossessed. They also suffer beginning of the end.
The importance of water
holes have been excavated in the ground, hugerivers have been damned, and sacred sites have Bathing or swimming in waterholes is not allowed been desecrated. The food is diminishing, the until regionally specific protocol has been land is changing and the people are being forced performed. One such protocol involves throwing to change as a consequence. How can we live in sand in the water before walking too close to a permanently changed land where little is springs, pools or rivers. In other areas, people roll available to replace the old way of life? How can water in their mouth, spitting it back into the pool we deal with drug and alcohol abuse, family before entering. Only after completing these violence, homelessness, and new ways of activities will the keeper of the pool, the huge teaching and learning? How do we take back water snake, be appeased. However, it is only the control of our lives? How do we maintain our Aboriginal people who know and obey these laws. religion our beliefs, and our culture? How do weleave a heritage or even a home for our children? Women's land
How do we deal with poverty? There are places where men cannot walk The introduction of mining has brought drugs and because women have ownership of the space. In alcohol into areas that no white man would turn, women cannot enter forbidden areas that normally visit. Youth are enticed by the coldness are exclusively for men.
of the drinks and the forgetfulness of mind- I was privileged to attend a meeting many miles altering drugs. In addition to their physical health, inland in a place that belonged to women alone.
women fear for their children's spiritual wellbeing, Women had been meeting in that place for forty which is confused by limited knowledge of the thousand years, perhaps longer. I was told that it was their place and had been their place forever. In Port Hedland, approximately 5,000 jobs have During the meeting a group of men came to the been given to strangers who are flown into the outskirts of the area to bring a crying child to his town on a fortnightly basis. Few of these jobs mother. The child's father and his friends did not were offered to Aboriginal women or their men. In enter the area, approaching only as far as the addition, the urban Aboriginal woman and her main road and refusing to step off the truck. This children have limited work opportunities. The little is correct protocol. Strange men do not live by employment that is set aside for Aborigines is this protocol and cannot be stopped from hotly contested. Most jobs are given to educated entering women's places. What are the people or those who have training. Some young consequences when they breach our law? The people are successful in obtaining work but some answer is NONE.
find the competition too severe, lapsing insteadinto the forgetfulness of drugs that are floodinginto the town. The responsibility for the influx of Grandmothers and the land
hard drugs cannot be laid at the feet of the mines A grandmother wanted to take her grandson back alone. Even some Aboriginal families have started to a special place, a certain riverbed, to begin his to depend on illegal income obtained from selling teaching. Soon he would be too old for her to do drugs. However, the availability of drugs has this. But she no longer had the right to take him increased in particular areas in response to the there. The riverbed was blocked, fenced off. But it advent of mining projects.
was her land. It had belonged to her father andhis father and his father before him. Where could Employment is particularly nonexistent. Women she go? What should she do? Will all her sit and think, "Will my child be lucky enough to knowledge die with her? This is an example of secure a job with a real wage and escape from how traditional teachings and cultural laws are the poverty in which we live?" It is obvious that slowly breaking down. The culture of teaching children will continue to live in this poverty unless children which food to eat and how it can be there is positive change. However, there are not obtained is slowly eroding. The grandmother's enough jobs available to start this process. A teaching role is disintegrating, replaced by young Aboriginal woman said to me, "My dream strangers in schools that teach knowledge that is to get a job with BHP. If only I could do this, I may not be relevant. would be happy". Unfortunately for her, herdream did not come true. In many instances ouryouth are lost to boredom, restlessness and drugs. In addition, youth suicides are bewildering Mining has brought roads, railways, huge families, and there does not seem to be any vehicles, noisy machines and smokestacks. Great respite or answer to the problem. Women, Mining and Communities them. They don't want handouts or pity. Theywant what is rightfully theirs. They need JUSTICE Today, I have provided information to enable and their RIGHTS. We can deal with our problems people to develop their own perspective on what if there is an open, honest, respectful process of is happening to Aborigines in Australia. I have doing business. There are no easy ways of tried to describe the confusion, frustration, anddesperation of the Aboriginal women when land undertaking business effectively between diverse is allocated for mining ventures. I have also groups. But I would like to make some described some issues that impact on their belief suggestions. Without taking away another systems, their sense of injustice, and their women's right to speak for herself, I suggest that feelings of being 'out of control'.
mining corporations take time to understandpeople, be respectful, and work to stamp out Mining does not only impact on the land, our racism in their organisations. It must be home. It also impacts on poverty, health, remembered that it is women who are homelessness and the rights of Aborigines. The responsible for the children and that each group violence and racism in mining towns create an must have the opportunity to control their own imbalance that has a domino effect on the destiny. Most importantly, companies must community's wellbeing. This effect can only be ensure that appropriate strategies exist to allow stopped with the introduction of responsible indigenous women to have their rightful place at business practices.
the negotiation table. As such, more steps may As I stated earlier, we are a strong, proud and need to be taken in order to hear women's voices intellectual people. We are survivors and we will in negotiations. Although we may live in poverty, survive. Indigenous women must be the ones to it does not mean that we are unable to make make their own decisions. Nobody can 'help' The Aboriginal Justice Council (1998), Our Mob Our Justice: Keeping the Vision Alive, Monitoring Report of theRecommendations of the Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody in Western Australia. Aboriginal JusticeCouncil Secretariat, Aboriginal Affairs Department, Western Australia 6850.
Women and mining in the
Cordillera and the
International Women and
Jill K. Carino
Cordillera Women's Education and Resource Centre
Jill Carino is currently the Executive Director of the Cordillera Women's Education and Resource Centre, a non-government development agency committed to the pursuit of women's rights and indigenous peoples' rights in the Cordillera Region, Philippines. She is also on the Executive Committee of the Cordillera Peoples' Alliance for the Defence of the Ancestral Domain and for Self-Determination (CPA). Indigenous mining and women in
developed their own indigenous knowledge, skillsand practices in gold mining which have proven to be environment-friendly and sustainable. This The Cordillera, Philippines has a long history indigenous knowledge has been passed on from of mining. In Benguet Province, the generation to generation, undergoing little change indigenous people of Itogon have been gold mining for at least 1,000 years. Small-scalemining is still practiced by the Ibaloy and The involvement of women is a unique aspect of Kankana-ey people of Benguet, as well as by traditional mining in the Cordillera. Men and other people throughout the provinces of the women are equal partners in the whole mining Cordillera. However, the practice has steadily process, with the proceeds from the gold equally declined through the years, marginalised by and divided among all members of the team or unable to compete with the large-scale mining kompanya. Previously, men and women alike used operations of giant corporations.
to work inside the tunnels. However, in recentyears, women have specialised in processing the Traditionally, small-scale mining was an important ore. In addition, the women are given the unused part of community life in Itogon, providing the tailings of the crushed ore, or linang, which can major means of livelihood for the people. It be refined further to extract the remaining gold.
provided a stable source of income for many The gold that the women recover from the linang generations, complemented by agricultural is theirs to sell and the proceeds are shared only production. The community regarded gold as a among the women. God-given resource and believed that miningshould be undertaken to meet the needs of thefamily and the community, not for the Impact of large-scale mining on
accumulation of wealth.
Itogon's small-scale miners use rudimentary Large-scale operations by mining corporations technology for gold extraction and processing.
came to the Cordillera as early as the 1900's Their methods involve a great deal of manual during American colonial rule. The oldest mining labour, using minimal and simple equipment company in the country, Benguet Corporation, without the use of toxic chemicals. They have was established in 1903. At this time, it made use Women, Mining and Communities of American mining laws, such as the Mining Act company. However, the mining company of 1872, to acquire mining patents covering large continues to hold onto its mining patents and sections of the municipality. For many decades, assert its claim over the land. This is despite the Benguet Corporation engaged in underground fact that the company has ceased mining tunnel mining in Itogon, worming its way into the operations in the area and is using the land for bowels of the earth in pursuit of gold. In 1989, other commercial purposes. when the underground mineral veins weredepleted, the company shifted to open pit Destruction of the environment
mining. In less than ten years, Benguet Mining has caused serious environmental Corporation exhausted the mineral wealth of problems in Itogon including air and water Antamok, Itogon. pollution, deforestation, erosion and drought.
Toxic mine wastes have destroyed dams and Today, the abandoned open pit mine, silted rivers and the adjacent lands. Pine forests underground tunnels, waste dump sites, mill, have been destroyed in the surrounding diversion tunnels and tailings dams still remain in mountains, leaving watersheds vulnerable to Itogon. These structures stand as stark reminders erosion. Dust from the abandoned open pit mine of the devastating effects of large-scale mining and dumped rock and soil hangs in the air. Most operations. Furthermore, Benguet Corporation is of the natural springs and water sources, which now using its mining patents to exploit Itogon's the people depend on for irrigation and for their land and water resources for various business daily needs, have long since dried up because of ventures such as eco-tourism, mineral water the drilling of deep mining tunnels. production, special economic zones, housingsubdivisions and other profit-making schemes. Loss of traditional livelihood and impairment
The people's ancestral land and natural of the productive role of women
resources have been plundered, and the The destruction and depletion of resources within environment and indigenous culture eroded. For mining communities has seriously impaired the women of Itogon, life has drastically women's productive roles. Small-scale mining deteriorated as the long-term effects of large- sites were taken over by the mining company.
scale mining take their toll. The effects of large- Only a few tunnels or pocket mines now remain scale mining on the women of Itogon include the productive, and these are slowly being depleted of their mineral ore. Only low-grade ore remains,which has minimal returns for the heavy work Deprivation of ancestral land rights
required in small-scale mining. Without ore to The process of land registration was process, female miners have lost their traditional institutionalised in the Philippines during the Spanish colonial period between the 16th and the The women's productive role in agriculture has 19th century. During this time, citizens could likewise been affected. Rice fields have dried up register their land through the Public Land Act or due to lowered water tables caused by by acquiring a Torrens Title. Such legal processes underground mining. Agriculture in mining were alien to the indigenous people, who did not communities has become unprofitable because see the need to get a piece of paper to prove their of the lack of water, lowered soil fertility and the ownership of the land. As such, during American expensive agricultural inputs required. The loss of colonisation, mining companies were able to traditional livelihood opportunities has forced acquire indigenous people's ancestral land using women, as well as men, to look for informal work the Mining Act of 1872. This American law legalised outside the communities. Many women, who are the accumulation of unclaimed mineral lands by tied to the home by childcare responsibilities, American individuals and corporations. As such, experience increased domesticity and economic indigenous land ownership was not recognised.
dependence due to limited livelihood Today, the government continues to recognise opportunities within communities. Older children Benguet Corporation's claims over the ancestral are forced to enter the labour market in the city in land claims of the indigenous people, endorsing order to help their parents make ends meet.
the company's ownership rights over the surfaceland where the indigenous people live, and the Increased Burden of Women at Home
sub-surface minerals. Mining has dried up the natural water sources Over the years, the community has undertaken within communities. The lack of water places an various efforts to assert their rights and to extra burden on the shoulders of women since reclaim their ancestral land from the mining they are generally responsible for most of the Cultural impacts on women and
Large-scale mining operations have affected cultural practices within indigenous communities. The sustainable and equitable practice of indigenous small-scale mining andits accompanying cultural values and rituals are vanishing. So are theindigenous practices of cooperativelabour and reciprocal relations associated with rice production. Unemployment has resulted in increased anti-social activities suchas gambling and drinking. The number of out-of-school youth has also increased because parents increasingly cannot afford to send their children to school. Some parents have to leave home for extended periods of time, such as those who decide to work abroad to earn a living. Many families of overseas workers have broken down because of problems related to the absence of either the mother or father, such as infidelity or child neglect. In addition, some women's organisations have been weakened and dividedby the company's establishment of pro-miningwomen's organisations that offer loans andlivelihood projects in order to attractmembership. On the whole, the previously tight-knit indigenouscommunities are weakening as a direct result oflarge-scale mining operations.
LEFT: A woman from a community affected by The women's role in the struggle
an exploration project expresses her opposition to the against destructive mining
project in a community meeting in the Philippines. PHOTO: Ingrid Macdonald/Oxfam CAA The women in the Cordillera have always takenan active role in the resistance against large-scale mining. In 1937 and 1962, the Ibaloy andKankana-ey women of Itogon fought for justice, household chores. They have to walk longer winning compensation for crops lost from the distances to the few remaining water sources in depletion of water sources. Between 1989 and the community and spend long hours waiting in 1997, the community was also successful in line to fetch water for drinking, cooking and other stopping the expansion of Benguet Corporation's household needs. open pit mining operations into the communitiesof Ucab, Tuding, Keystone and Virac. Health problems are increasing due to thepollution created by mining. Respiratory illnesses, Word about the effects of mining on Itogon's wet- poor sanitation, and skin diseases are common, rice agriculture spread to other parts of the especially among children. The government's Cordillera. Thus, when mining companies failure to provide basic social services has attempted to open mines in other areas, the compounded the community's inability to indigenous communities rallied and drove them improve health standards.
away. In many instances, it was the women who Women, Mining and Communities achieved these successes, as in the case of was a remarkable and unprecedented event. Forty Mainit and Besao in the Mountain Province, five women from fifteen countries in five regions Cordillera. Another instance of women's protest of the world came together to share experiences occurred in the province of Kalinga in the 1980's.
and discuss ways to resist the impacts of large- During this time, the rice-producing peasants of scale, multinational mining projects. The Tabuk and Pinukpuk, the majority of whom are conference generated widespread interest on the women, demanded the closure of the Batong issue of women and mining, and resulted in Buhay mines.
resolutions expressing a collective position onimportant matters such as land rights, labour The participation of women in the struggle rights, indigenous peoples' rights and the social against mining has resulted in greater awareness and environmental impacts of mining. These and unity within their ranks. It has motivated resolutions were passed on to our governments them to organise themselves and to undertake and on to mining companies to pressure them to educational activities and mass actions to protest act on the issues raised by the conference.
against destructive mining operations. It hasstrengthened their commitment to work for the The Second International Women and Mining rights and welfare of women and the community, Conference was held in Bolivia in September together with other organisations. 2000 under the leadership of CEPROMIN (Centrefor the Promotion of Mining). On this occasion, The international women and
more organisations joined the network, especiallyorganisations from South America, Africa and Canada. Statutes and guiding principles were The International Women and Mining Network was drafted and ratified in a move to formalise the born from the need to bring out into the open the structure of the network. Organisations were particular impacts of mining on identified to act as regional coordinating centres women, and to support the efforts of women for each of the regions of the world. Central around the world to resist or mitigate mining's coordination of the network remained with damaging effects.
CEPROMIN at La Paz, Bolivia. India was chosenas the site of the next conference of the network In October 1991, Minewatch in London initiated a to be held in the 2004.
project on Women and Mining, aimed atdeveloping a database of the past and present The International Network on Women and Mining, impacts of mining on women. The project covered now also known as Red Internacional de Mujeres y three main areas of concern: the social impact of Minería (RIMM), is an expression of the worldwide mining, the impact of mining on women's health, solidarity of women, bound together by a common and the organised resistance of women to commitment to uphold the rights of women multinational corporate mining. In addition, the affected by large-scale, multinational corporate Women and Mining project aimed to link women mining. The need to unite with other groups is and information from all over the world, enabling imperative in the context of globalisation and the them to identify common issues, establish a worldwide liberalisation of the mining industry. It is united front, and form support networks and a challenge for all of us to find the most effective pressure groups. It was for this purpose that the tactics in dealing with multinational mining First International Conference on Women and companies, governments, trade organisations and Mining was held in Baguio City, Philippines in financial institutions, in order to bring the people's January 1997, with the theme "Women United and resistance to multinational corporate mining to a Struggling for Our Land, Our Lives, Our Future." It resounding victory. The status of women
affected by mining
mines, minerals & PEOPLE,
K. Bhanumathi coordinates the National Network of Women and Mining in India. She is a Hyderabad-based social activist who is currently working with indigenous people in the Eastern Ghats region on issues relating to land and other She is also a regional coordinator for the International Women and Mining Network. varies between regions. Mining projects vary fromrat hole mining, small-scale legal and illegal India has a predominantly agrarian population mining, to large-scale mining - most of which has that is dependent on the land and forests for its been historically managed by the public sector.
sustenance and social, cultural and economic Since the introduction of private sector livelihood. Rural and tribal women are primarily participation in the 1990's, a number of mining responsible for nurturing the family, collecting related community conflicts have arisen with far forest products, and agricultural and livestock management. These women have a very intimateand symbiotic relationship with the ecology, asthey are untenably linked to the natural The status of women in India
resources. This link must be recognised by Gender based discrimination and exploitation governments and societies when they are including female infanticide, dowry deaths, conceptualising development objectives and unequal wages, high levels of female illiteracy projects. Women are frequently alienated from and mortality, caste-based discrimination and development paradigms and their close other social evils, are widespread in India. A look association with the ecology receives even less at the literacy figures should drive home this point - while the literacy rate for the total Indianpopulation is about 52.75% for male and 32.17% Mining in India
for female, the literacy levels among ScheduledCaste women is a mere 19%, and for Scheduled In India, as in most Asia-Pacific countries, Tribe women is 14.50%. Female literacy is exploitation of land for mineral resources has a particularly poor in the mineral rich states - long history involving abuse and plunder. India's 3.46%, 6.88%, 8.29% and 11.75% for Rajasthan, Five Year Plans have focused on mining to Andhra Pradesh, Orissa and Jharkhand achieve 'development', demanding the forfeiture of people's lands for 'national prosperity'. Mostmineral and mining operations are found in forestregions, which are also the habitat for tribal The impact of mining on women
(indigenous) communities. India is a vast country At a broad level, there are three stages of mining and as such the history and status of mining - proposed mining projects in untouched areas Women, Mining and Communities (Greenfields), existing mines, and closed/abandoned mines. This paper specifically Historically, men have been the only recipients of focuses on the experiences of women displaced rehabilitation programs that provide either cash and affected by existing mining projects, and the or employment to communities affected by problems experienced as a result of mining. As a result, women have become completely 'idle' in the economic sphere. Often, In India, it is estimated that 50 million people when men gain employment, women are forced have been displaced by various development to manage agricultural activities on their own. In projects and of these, approximately 10 million such situations, women's drudgery increases, have been displaced by mining projects. 75% of and this results in share cropping and to thegradual mortgaging of land. In many situations, people displaced have not yet received any form the seasonal migration of labour leads to work of compensation or rehabilitation. insecurity, the break down of family relations andit exposes them to various social hazards.
Land and forests
Women from land-owning communities have been In India, women have no legal rights over land or forced into wage labour, which is considered to natural resources. The Land Acquisition Act is be a socially and economically humiliating shift.
draconian and obsolete, providing over-riding In addition, women are often forced into petty powers to the state to encroach onto people's trades that expose them to further exploitation lands for any 'public purpose', including mining.
due to their illiteracy, lack of skills and the social To this day, the country does not have any relief taboos of participating within these sectors. and rehabilitation policy as a constitutionalsafeguard for its people. Local communities are Displaced tribal communities that are not not consulted about the acquisition of their land provided with compensation or rehabilitation, for projects and women are especially migrate to bordering states in search of land and marginalized in the negotiation process. They are forests. They cut down vast stretches of forest forsurvival and face the harassment of the Forestry the last people to be informed about land Department who accuse them of practicing acquisitions and their opinions and objections are 'unsustainable' agriculture. Often women, both rarely taken into account during decision-making. old and young, are forced to keep moving with Testimonies from women living in the coalmining their children due to multiple displacements. areas of Orissa (Talcher) show that displacementand loss of land are the most serious problems Women as mine labour
affecting their lives as their livelihood, economic Displaced women are mostly absorbed into the and social status, and health and security all small private or unorganised sector of mining depend on land and forests. Mining has resulted in related activities, where women are the first to be the total destruction of traditional forms of retrenched, have no work safety measures, are livelihood and of women's roles within subsistence susceptible to serious health hazards, and are communities. Women displaced by mining lose the exposed to sexual exploitation. The large scale right to cultivate traditional crops and due to forest mines, which are increasingly technology destruction, are unable to collect forest produce dependant, have no scope for women's for sale or consumption. As a result, they are participation as they are often illiterate, lack forced into menial and marginalised forms of technical skills and face cultural prejudices.
labour as maids, servants, construction labourers Although women once formed 30-40% of the or prostitutes - positions that are highly workforce in the mining sector, they now unorganised and socially humiliating. constitute less than 12%, and represent only 5% Abundant medicinal plants are lost due to forest of the coal mining workforce. destruction, leaving women without a natural Whilst large-scale mining has limited scope for health support system. Often they are too poor to women's employment, the small-scale sector purchase medical services and medicines (if absorbs women as contract or bonded labour available). Furthermore, as the mining companies under highly exploitative conditions. Women's do not pay for their miner's medical expenses, wages are always less than that of men, safety employed men spend a large proportion of their standards are non-existent, paid holidays are not wages on medicine, falling into a vicious cycle of allowed even during pregnancy or childbirth, indebtedness that drags the whole family into work equipment is not provided, and there are no toilets or facilities available. Unemployed women living in mining communities eke out their exhaustible 'sustainability' of mining. The livelihood by scavenging on the tailings and government has declared the mine bankrupt and waste dumps, often illegally, and suffer from the exhausted, and is currently engaged in a legal constant harassment of company guards, local battle with the union to ensure closure. As the Mafia and the police. They are exposed to the laid-off men remain idle, women are forced out of physical and sexual exploitation of the mine- their homes to eke out a living for their families.
owners, contractors and miners and are at the The whole mining town sees women and young mercy of local traders when selling their ores. In girls leaving their homes at four in the morning to addition, women work with toxic, hazardous travel 100-150 kms for work as maids and factory substances and suffer from several occupational labour, returning late at night. In a span of one illnesses including respiratory and reproductive year since closure, there have been at least 35 problems, silicosis, tuberculosis, leukemia, and deaths in this small town due to stress and trauma. The government and the company havedeliberately washed their hands off any Most women working in mines have to leave their responsibility towards the future of the miners children at home, unattended, for the entire except for offering a small compensation working day. If they manage to take their children payment. The land is unfit for any use other than to the mine-site, they expose them to high levels mining, and women and communities have been of dust and noise pollution. In addition, the left in despair.
children are at risk of falling into the mine pitswhile playing and are susceptible to accidentsfrom mine blasting. Negotiations with the
government, industry and

The social and cultural impacts
In India, communities displaced or affected by The living conditions of women displaced by mining have mainly dealt with the public sector mining have serious negative impacts on women.
to redress grievances or negotiate a The resettled tribal peoples of the bauxite, coal resettlement. The fact that 75% of displaced and iron-ore mines in Jharkhand, Orissa, people are still not rehabilitated, is clear Chattisgarh and Andhra Pradesh, are now evidence of the government and industry's lack crammed into badly constructed houses. These of motivation to implement rehabilitation quarters are of poor quality and have no water, programs. Large multinational mining companies toilets, electricity or open spaces for recreation or have only recently entered the industry and socialising. Conditions within these resettled communities have not yet had experience communities provide an ugly contrast to dealing with such macro players. However, these standards within traditional settlements. companies have exhibited considerable influencewhen lobbying for changes in mining policies Tribal women's loss of economic status and the and legislation in the very short time since their increase in the non-tribal population in mining entry into the market. communities has resulted in degrading socialcustoms. The traditional practice of bride pricehas shifted to the Hindu system of dowries and A few cases studies
extravagant marriage ceremonies. Social evils like Coalmining in Hazaribagh
wife battering, alcoholism, indebtedness, physical The World Bank coalmine in Hazaribagh and sexual harassment, prostitution, polygamy provides further evidence of mining based social and desertion have emerged in many places.
injustice and ecological destruction. In addition Human rights violations on female miners or to having to use water contaminated by coal women affected by mining have increased and washeries, women are often harassed and are actively encouraged by state and corporate assaulted when collecting wood, working, or when visiting neighbouring villages. The womenare too afraid of the 'Coal Mafia' to give The status and experiences of
testimonies of these incidents in public hearings women in closed/abandoned
or meetings. The local NGO, which is helping thewomen who were victims of these atrocities, is facing police harassment and false criminal The lives of the women living in the gold mines of charges. Although the Inspection Panel of the Kolar, Karnataka, provide stark evidence of the World Bank has been approached regarding Women, Mining and Communities these grievances,women are yet toexperience justice.
The struggle in Kasipur:
Having seen the fate ofwomen affected by mining inother parts of their own state ofOrissa, the tribal women inKasipur have been fighting since1992 to oppose the proposedAlumina plant. The local organisation,PSSP, has faced state repression andcorporate abuse whilst fighting themining company, which is a joint venturebetween Alcan (Canada), Norsk Hydro(Norway - this company has recentlywithdrawn) and Indal (India). This joint venturehas enlisted non-tribal Mafia, political goons,and attempted to create alliances withdevelopment agencies like BPD (BusinessPartners for Development) to achieve their aims.
However, these tactics have only createdtensions and rivalries between the tribalcommunities who stand to lose their lands andthe non-tribal communities, who entertain hopesof employment. Women have refused to allowaccess to their villages or relent to pressureexerted by the company, even after the fatal ABOVE: Community members at shooting of one tribal woman and the injury of a meeting present their complaints about a mine operation. The case of Rio Tinto in India:
PHOTO: Ingrid Macdonald/Oxfam CAA The abuse of communities by multinationalcorporations is growing dangerously. Rio Tinto gender based disparities in this highly populous has entered into a joint venture for an iron-ore country. As such, the entry of large multinational mining project in Keonjhar (Orissa), an area mining conglomerates only enhances women's protected by the Indian Constitution under the vulnerability to macro policy changes that Fifth Scheduled Law. The Samatha Judgement of negatively affect their lives. It is difficult to expect the Supreme Court of India (1997) reinforced the that tripartite agreements between communities validity of this law and declared that all private (particularly women), governments and industries mining in the area is null and void. Yet, Rio Tinto can create a level negotiation platform has been issued with a lease in Keonjhar, which considering the rates of female illiteracy, the implies that multinational corporations are limited dispersion of information and the lack of influencing our weak governments to violate their transparency from government and industries.
own laws at the cost of social responsibility.
These drastic changes in law pose an imminentthreat of large-scale displacement of tribal Women and mining networks
women in the future.
In India, a national alliance called mines, The collective voices of local
minerals & PEOPLE, has been established to bring together communities that are fighting the Local struggles against exploitation from mining negative impacts of mining projects. An projects are gaining strength, as the reality of important focus of the alliance is the gender- mining based 'development' is becoming related problems of mining. A network of women increasingly visible. India's government has not is emerging to confront mining from a gender taken any serious action towards reducing the perspective. The participation of women in local educational, vocational, social, economic, and movements is growing evidence of their determination to prevent further marginalisation. mineral resource at the cost of other resources,prioritises the sustainability of the industry and The national alliance has three important not the communities. It assumes that mandates with regard to women and mining: development requires compromising on social Demand for a moratorium on mining in justice, especially with regard to women. all Greenfield areas From a gender perspective, what does mining Demand for gender justice and have to offer to women - atrocities, violence, protection of the rights of women mine degradation of social and economic status, workers in existing mines deprivation of a decent livelihood, and Demand for the corporate powerlessness? The MMSD report of accountability of all the losses faced by International Institute for Environment and women, both in existing and finished Development (2002) acknowledges the widespread negative impacts of mining onwomen and it urges women to participate in community programs created by the miningcompanies. However, for women from the In traditional societies, nature is not offered for communities in India, a few bags of seeds, a few sale or negotiation. Neither are women packets of medicine, a training program on 'negotiable' commodities. Traditional economics micro-credit or an awareness camp on health, are are based on balancing men's (and women's) no compensation for what they have lost to needs with ecological sustainability, which is the mining or what future mining has to offer to them.
primary principle of extracting natural resources.
Therefore, they have an important challenge to Current economic models, enlisted by the mining pose - can governments and the mining industry industry and governments, grossly violate this carry out gender audits in mining regions and traditional principle. The over extraction of one prove the sustainability of mining to women? References
International Institute for Environment and Development and World Business Council for Sustainable Development (2002)
Mining, Minerals and Sustainable Development Project Draft Report.
Women, Mining and Communities Papua New Guinea
Women and mining projects
in Papua New Guinea:
problems of consultation,
representation and women's
rights as citizens.
Centre for the Study of Health and Society
The University of Melbourne
Martha Macintyre is an anthropologist who teaches at The University of Melbourne. She has undertaken research in Papua New Guinea for 25 years and has worked as an independent consultant on the social impact of a number of development projects within the region. Critical discourse surrounding mining in arrangements. Despite women's legal right to developing countries usually oversimplifies participate in this process, their voices are rarely the political complexities of the projects by heard and they exert very little influence on the failing to recognise the agency of local miners, politicians and government officers who community members and governments.
make the decisions about mining projects. I Multinational mining companies are regularly believe that the social, economic, environmental portrayed as ruthless foreign boards of directors, and political problems that proliferate around responsible for deliberately defrauding mining projects would be dramatically reduced if 'backward' villagers in order to plunder their women's voices were heard in this negotiation country and destroy the environment. In Papua New Guinea, this patronising and neo-colonialistperception of indigenous communities is I would like to demonstrate, with reference to two undermined by the political reality of the mining mines, that the rhetoric of blame directed at projects established over the last twenty years. multinational mining companies is anoversimplification of the negotiation process and Papua New Guinea (PNG) is an independent the political structure of mining projects. nation state with a democratically electedgovernment and the political and institutional The case of Misima
means to regulate mining. PNG's Mining Actrequires consultation and contractual agreement In 1985-6 I worked as an independent consultant between mining companies, local communities, for the governments of Australia and Papua New and government on the nature of mining Guinea to prepare a social and economic impact operations, compensation, royalties and assessment for the proposed goldmine on relocation arrangements for all new projects.
Misima, an island in Milne Bay Province. This Furthermore, it places legal constraints on mining assessment highlighted the likely negative social companies and specifies sanctions for breaches and environmental impacts of the mine, and of stated conditions. Papua New Guinean men strongly recommended that women be given are represented in all of these stakeholder equal opportunity in employment, that women be organisations and have the opportunity and represented on relevant negotiating committees, capabilities to influence the nature of the mining and that their traditional rights over land be Women, Mining and Communities recognised. In addition, the mining company flew the mine there and speak with Bougainvilleans, a group of village leaders to Kidston in North including Francis Ona, about the social impact of Queensland to see a similar size pit and the the mine. In addition, during the long negotiation associated environmental damage. It was hoped period a great deal of information about the likely that by providing a clear understanding of the environmental and social impact of the mine was likely impacts of the mine, community members provided to the community. The Mining Company would negotiate an agreement with the mining provided monetary sponsorship for the creation company that protected the community's of the Society Reform Movement, which is an interests, their economic security and their independent community group working to children's future. minimise and manage the socio-cultural impactsof the mine. The Company also supported the The Misiman people were no strangers to mining; creation of a women's organization, Petztorme the proposed mine was to be the seventeenth (Work Together), through the provision of two staff foreign mining project on their island in just over members and agricultural advice and assistance.
100 years. Before the commencement of mining The community's main response to the risk of in 1986, Misiman women vocalised concerns future social and environmental damage was to regarding food security, declining soil fertility, pursue claims for increased monetary increased land clearance and limited job opportunities. Yet at that time, emphasis wasplaced on building businesses, gaining The Special Mine Lease and Integrated Benefits compensation and pressuring the mining Package negotiations involved representatives of company to provide more benefits. The voices of the national government, the New Ireland the women who foresaw the problems of provincial government administration, local sustainability were drowned in the wave of government representatives, clan leaders and enthusiasm for a role in the cash economy.
representatives from the affected villages. The People were so enthusiastic about the idea that Mining Liaison Officer, a government employee, development would improve their overall standard observed all negotiations to ensure that they of living that they ignored the lengthy complied with the laws that were designed to consultations and information disseminated protect local interests. This participatory process, during negotiations. Was it simply a matter of which appears just by international standards, timing? Or did this lack of engagement result proved to be inequitable as women were from unrealistic expectations about the long-term excluded from the formal negotiation process.
effects of fourteen years of industrial Although they were occasionally consulted by the company's community relations department,women where not represented on the relevantcommittees and were forced to rely on men to The case of Lihir
represent their interests. Lihir goldmine is located on Niolam, an island inthe Lihir Group, in New Ireland Province in Papua Why were there no women
New Guinea. Negotiation between the Lihircommunity and the US mining company involved in formal negotiations?
Kennecott began in the 1980's and continued over a ten-year period, during which time regularmeetings were held between village leaders and Lihirian men have very strong beliefs about the Kennecott's public relations consultants. Before role of women in their society. The exclusion of the negotiations began, opportunities to earn women from all-important decision-making in the money within Lihir's subsistence based economy early phases of these mining projects is almost were limited and the majority of people had exclusively due to the weight given to Papua New relatively little contact outside the island group. In Guinean men's views on 'tradition' and the addition, the people of Lihir had no experience of customary role of women. In 1995, 1996 and mining and were initially wary of the proposed 1997, I wrote detailed proposals for the mining development. As a result, the community leaders company, the Papua New Guinea government, pressed for benefits that they considered crucial the Australian government corporation, and EFIC to the island's economic advancement.
(Export, Finance and Investment Corporation)about the inclusion of women on committees and Social Impact Studies of the proposed mining as beneficiaries for compensation payments project were undertaken in 1986, 1989 and 1994.
made to landowners (Gerritsen, R and Macintyre, In 1988 a group of landowners were taken to M: 1995; Macintyre, M. 1996, 1997). The Bougainville to see the environmental impact of landowner organisation, LMALA and the Lihirian representative on the Board of Directors rejected Where can women speak?
the proposal, claiming that it was utterly contrary Traditionally, women have kept clear of political to Lihirian custom and that men were adequate confrontation in PNG society. As a result, all representatives of women's interests. Lihirian forms of interaction with the mining company women's reticence in public forums has have tended to be mediated by men. But on Lihir, reinforced the belief that men are more confident as elsewhere, women are becoming increasingly in presenting demands, and are thus better politicised and they will no doubt find ways of representatives. Furthermore, Papua New voicing their discontents. The best opportunity for Guineans are very sensitive to issues of tradition, women to get around the bargaining table is and they resent outsiders whom they see as during the initial negotiation phase, when mining making criticisms of their culture, and as a result companies are most susceptible to local quickly dismiss outside recommendations for the demands. However, traditional cultural beliefs act inclusion of women into committees. as an important obstacle to women'sinvolvement. Mining companies are reluctant to The political context of women's exclusion
champion women and risk offending 'custom', as PNG has been an independent nation with a they are already perceived as culturally democratically elected government since 1975.
insensitive and need to maintain a positive public Women have the right to vote and constitutionally image during the bargaining process.
have equal rights to men in all aspects of life. Yetthe traditions of male leadership are strong andwomen are only allowed informal influence Project phases and the continuing
through husbands and brothers. It is only recently problem of women's representation
that women have started attending meetings to It is rare that a community has unified interests voice their disagreements with men. and is able to speak with one voice. More In traditional Lihirian society women were and problematic is that a community is transformed remain the breadwinners, responsible for by the mining project; the population size and producing food for their families. The men ethnic make-up changes, lines of authority are continue to expect women to perform this role, challenged, infrastructure, transport and even when they are employed. The Mining communication systems develop - all of which Company and its contractors on Lihir tend to alter people's perception of 'community'. Some employ women in positions that are low-paid and people greatly benefit from the mine, and others unskilled, with only a few women accessing highly do not - society becomes stratified into 'haves' paid professional and administrative positions.
and 'have-nots'. Old ties that united people are While the mining company does not advertise broken, new ones are made. These changes positions in ways that exclude women, few occur with astonishing speed and at no point can women apply for non-traditional jobs or for the you freeze the situation and ask "What does the scholarship and apprenticeship schemes. Many community want?" You can only ask "What does men have opposed female employment at the the community want now?" mine, objecting on the grounds that it is 'against Gradually, as economic inequalities have custom' and that it will lead to immorality. In fact, increased, sharp divisions have arisen between many men believe that they are entitled to those who regularly receive royalty cheques and employment before women and that they should the people whose lives have not improved. The decide how to spend the money that they earn. select few that receive large sums of money rarely Although most men give small amounts of money distribute it within the community, forcing people to women for food purchases, the majority of with few benefits to turn to the company for men's wages is spent on beer. Throughout Papua assistance. Women are particularly vulnerable to New Guinea beer drinking by men has become a developing this 'project dependency'. Company major social problem. On Lihir, men regularly go funds that have gone to developing infrastructure on binges for two or three days and spend very and paying landowners have not ended up in large amounts of money. Although women can everyone's pockets. In addition, the wages petition the liquor licensing board and insist on associated directly or indirectly with the mine fall various sales restrictions and even total bans, they well short of amounts 'landowners' gain for 'doing rarely exercise these powers. Women are reluctant nothing'. Some Lihirian men are particularly to publicly censure the men for undertaking what resentful that the wealth has not filtered through is seen exclusively as 'men's business'. Few the community and have responded by placing women report violence from drunken men to the increasing demands on the mining company, most police and often suffer in silence.
of which focus on environmental issues.
Women, Mining and Communities There are several reasons why claims about crucial. Should a mining company be required to environmental impact escalate. The obvious one - impose a system of political representation (that that environmental damage occurs - is rarely the insists on female participation in decision- driving force. More often it is a way of protesting making) that is alien and 'against custom'? In my about increasing social stratification and view, mining companies should not be allowed to disparities of wealth. Whereas people initially saw take on the role of the State by setting out the the favouring of relocatees as just, they realised rights and responsibilities of citizens in decision- later that they too are affected, but they have no making processes. As providers of hospitals, legitimate claim in law except that relating to roads, education facilities and other services, unpredicted impacts on the environment.
mining companies already have a great deal of However, it is not only the land they inhabit that control over the lives of people in the areas has been transformed, but also their values, their where they operate. But mining projects come systems of authority and their lives. and go. Placing pressure on governments toprotect the rights of its citizens and not to The changes in community structure over the life abdicate control over service provision to of the project raise much more complex problems multinational companies will ensure that women than simply canvassing consent at the beginning benefit equally and for a much longer period than of a project. For women who have very little the life of a mine. This is the goal towards which political authority at the outset, gaining the political energies should be directed in order to ground from which to influence the changes that ensure that development actually improves will occur over the life of the mining project is women's lives.
Gerritsen, R. and Macintyre, M. 1995 Social and Economic Risk Assessment for Proposed Gold Mine on Lihir.
Unpublished report.
Macintyre, M. 1996 Social Impact Study of Lihir Gold Project, 1995. Unpublished report.
Macintyre, M. 1997 Social Impact Study of Lihir Gold Project, 1996. Unpublished report.
One day rich; community
perceptions of the impact
of the Placer Dome Gold
Mine, Misima Island,
Papua New Guinea.
Dr Julia Byford
Senior Research Fellow
Centre for Family Health and Midwifery
University of Technology Sydney Australia
Julia Byford is a medical anthropologist and midwife who completed her doctorate at the Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies at The Australian National University in 1999. Her thesis, focused on women's health and childbirth in Misima Island, Papua New Guinea. Julia is involved in international projects concerning health, community development, midwifery education and practice, microfinance and mining. This case study is derived from the report church and community affairs, with active "One Day Rich' (Byford, 2000), which women's groups existing in every village. details a farming community's perceptions Historically, Misiman women have held a of the social, environmental and economic impact complementary role to men in subsistence of large scale gold mining within their society. It farming, Misima's major source of food highlights the importance of undertaking a production. Men were responsible for the clearing gender analysis within a community to determine of land for gardens, which were then developed the roles, knowledge, expectations and and managed by women. This role gave women responsibilities of the men and women. By control over yam production and its distribution, undertaking this process, a project team can which is a prestigious exchange enabling women ensure a more equitable response to the to assert their status independently of men. The changing social environment by removing barriers introduction of gold mining by Misima Mining to equal participation in the planning and Limited (operated by Placer Dome) in 1989 implementation of projects.
fundamentally altered women's relationship with Misima Island is situated in the Louisiade the land, undermining their status, independence Archipelago in Milne Bay Province, Papua New and role within the community. In addition, socialvalues have rapidly changed since 1989, Guinea, and is host to a subsistence farming facilitating the breakdown of traditional social community of approximately 14,000 people.
structures and the growth of a prominent Misiman society is divided into clans, and generation gap, both of which negatively impact membership of these clans is matrilineal. Women traditionally inherit and own land, although seniormen retain authority over some areas. Prior to One may ask how it is possible for mining to have mining, women held a relatively high status in such a large impact upon the lives and wellbeing Misiman communities due to their central role in of women? In this situation, the introduction of land ownership and food production for both the mining into Misima involved the purchase of vast living and offerings for the dead. Misiman women tracks of land and resettlement of communities had a relatively prominent role in public life, previously living on this land. The mining Women, Mining and Communities company engaged men in the resettlement store food. The increasing use of money in negotiation process, excluding the traditional mortuary feasting has had a significant impact on landowners - the women. As such, royalties and women's status. While yams remain the essential compensation payments were invariably paid to and preferred presentation, the use of bags of the men involved in the negotiations. The defacto rice as prestige gifts means that, as wage- landowner association, Emel Ltd, has only one earners, men now have access to a sphere of female member on the Board of Directors. Not exchange that was formerly exclusively female.
surprisingly, this board has been unable to The increase in the cash economy has also provide any redress for women's loss of land created divisions between women. Some wives of ownership. Women have been reluctant to wage earners employ other women to tend to approach any public government office or to their gardens, which results in the distribution of push for inclusion into groups, even though the cash within the community, but at the same time decisions of these groups may affect them. As a diminishes the status of these women in the eyes result, women's concerns about family and of other Misiman women. community stability have been lost amongst the Social problems including excessive alcohol more dominant concerns of men; namely power, consumption have arisen due to the increased prestige, and economic gain.
availability of cash. As is the case in most places Money obtained through royalties and of the world, it is women and children who bear compensation payments has not, in many the brunt of the impact of alcohol abuse.
instances, been distributed to women within Repeated reports of wife bashing and rape households. Instead, recipients have spent the indicate an overall increase in violence against money on personal items or given it to their own women. In addition, Misima has experienced an children - a process that would have been increase in divorce rates and the numbers of impossible when land was the major item of abandoned wives and children. However, wealth. Misiman women have found their importantly, women are increasingly reporting traditional power base supplanted by the power acts of physical abuse to police and community of cash, which can be acquired and disposed of members, and are therefore moving beyond the without their involvement. customary sense of shame attached to suchactivities. The quantum increase in the amount of cash inthe community as a result of royalties, The introduction of mining into Misima has compensation and cash based employment, has provided opportunities for women to manage had major impacts on women, undermining their their own businesses. When the mine opened, relationship with the land, increasing their there was an initial leap in interest to start small workload, and simultaneously decreasing the businesses, a chance not previously available to perceived value of this work. Mining has directly women. Misima Mining Limited (MML) and indirectly provided employment opportunities contributed significantly to providing for a large majority of the Misiman men living on infrastructure and start-up support for the eastern tip of the island and a number of businesses, and provided training in small 'expatriate' Misimans. Many women whose business management. Other basic business, husbands are wage earners no longer create management and financial support was provided large gardens because the men are unavailable to by the local government. Unfortunately, Misiman assist in garden activities, especially the clearing women did not receive substantial benefits from of land, and also because they can buy food with this program, although some food preparation the money earned by the men. However women, and clothing businesses arose as a result. The especially those not engaged in the cash ability of the local women to utilise this economy, are placed under increasing pressure to opportunity was limited by the lack of capital and maintain these gardens due to the reduced support from their community elders. In addition, availability of food trees as a result of extensive the training provided by MML was undertaken in land clearance. Difficulties in managing gardens English and had limited applicability to small are compounded by the poor soil fertility and the businesses which necessarily use the local plague of African snails, both of which are largely dialect. Furthermore, women were considerably perceived by the community to be a result of the confused about the level of assistance and mining activity. funding that MML was willing to provide forvarious activities and small business ventures. In mortuary feasts, women's contribution oflocally grown food, particularly yams, has been Women's organisations faced difficulties in overshadowed by the use of money to buy trade- getting assistance for projects, be it from MML, birth, believing it can purify a mother's system and promote lactation and the baby's health.
The degradation of seawater as a result of the mine's operation has had ramifications for this practice.
Women report that the quality of the water is so poor that they can no longer drink it. Some women feel that this jeopardises their own and their babies' long term health. As such, women often make up their own mixture of salt and water to use as a substitute.
However, women who give birth at the hospital seem satisfied that the medication given to them is a substitute for seawater. AfterMML became aware of this problem, theyinstalled windmills designed to pump deep, cleanwater into special bathhouses, but there was littlecommunity support for using the facilities. Onereason for this lack of support is that theconsultation process was inadequate.
From the outset, MML was aware that itsoperations were going to impact on women. ASocial Impact Study (SIS) undertaken by MMLbefore the commencement of operations outlined PHOTO: Ingrid Macdonald/Oxfam CAA some of the difficulties women would face as a government agencies or NGOs. Understanding result of the mine. However, these findings did how to work with these various agencies was not result in sustained efforts to engage in part of the problem. The required approach continued discourse with women, or to resolve involved writing a business letter to the their concerns. In addition, women's presence on organisation with a request for assistance. This the Social Impact Monitoring Committee had little seemingly simple requirement resulted in the influence on the project management. This may marginalisation of community groups without be partly due to the fact that the committee was business letter writing skills. Women were run by MML's own community affairs staff, who reluctant to write these letters due to their failed to facilitate two-way dialogue, instead inexperience, lack of confidence, and also the using the forum to showcase MML's difficulty in understanding such an unfamiliar method of communication. The company's initial response to issues raised in Mining has also had a direct impact on the SIS was to employ a limited number of customary practice. The movement away from women for secretarial, administrative, clerical and traditional values is evident in the increase in cleaning work. The company also responded by young unmarried mothers, prostitution, and less supporting local women's groups and conservative dress codes. Environmental damage businesses, and ensuring that women were has also resulted in the alteration of customary represented on committees such as village liaison practice. The Island's environment is widely groups and the SIS Status Review Committee.
perceived to be polluted. Residents complain However, some of these mechanisms were not about the taste and health of fish and the conducive to women's participation beyond their decreasing water levels of the rivers. Some attendance at meetings. Having a position on a women are disinclined to go to the rivers to committee does not automatically mean that you bathe, wash clothes or prepare food because of feel able to speak, to be heard, or to affect low water levels and the discolouration of the outcomes. Participation does not automatically water after rain, which they perceive to be include those who were previously left out of evidence of pollution.
such processes and is only as inclusive as those Clean seawater is culturally important to Misiman who are driving the process choose it to be, or as women who bathe in it and drink it after giving those involved demand it to be.
Women, Mining and Communities Women's access to business opportunities injection of large amounts of cash and the rapid improved in 2000 with the relocation of the MML social change associated with mine development, Business Development Office to the Bwagaoia has widened the gap between the 'haves' and Township, and by the appointment of a Women's 'have nots' and has lead to a decline in women's Officer. There is no doubt that the appointment of economic and social status relative to that of a Women's Officer was a positive step by MML, men. MML's failure to protect the interests of all resulting in part from an acknowledgment of the identified landowners meant that they effectively inadequacies of their previous efforts. However, endorsed the corruption of a distribution process many women think the appointment is "too little, that was meant to be equitable. Male dominance too late". Until the appointment of the Women's within the government, and amongst Misima's Officer, doing business with the mine meant community representatives, also contributed to doing business with the men of the mine, and effectively denying women their rights. The women found it difficult to approach the men, government is also perceived to be partially to particularly those that were non-Misiman. blame for the outcomes of the project, as it failedto build village awareness, reinvest profits into MML's expenditure on infrastructure has village infrastructure, support programs, and it indirectly aided women in negotiating a new role generally delegated all responsibility for within the community, with roads and transport community development to MML.
providing accessibility to new markets to sellproduce and trade. In addition, government The mine will cease operations in 2005, 3 years initiated improvements to the maternity services from now. The closure will pose unprecedented provided by the hospital were also identified by problems for the Misima people. Business local women as a positive impact of the mining closure, loss of employment, decrease in project. Women also widely adopted MML's transport alternatives, inaccessibility of shop employee incentive program to build or improve food, loss of electricity and the degradation of their houses. In addition to these benefits, MML buildings and infrastructure are just some factors has responded to women's most recent request that the community may face. On the flip side, it to obtain an AusAID community development has been suggested that the closure of the mine, grant. This grant will provide assistance to the and subsequent reduction in access to cash will LWA [Louisiade Women's Association] to develop result in a reduction in alcohol consumption, and its 2000-2005 plan of activities and support for as a result a reduction in violence against some of the projects associated with these women. However, the extent to which the Misima activities. In the area of health, MML's focus will will be able to return to their traditional practices be placed on nutrition and HIV/AIDS.
has been negated by intergenerational disputesand loss of traditional values. The fundamental Regardless of MML's response to women's shift in the status of women and their unique concerns and the benefits derived by women, relationship to the land is unlikely to be regained this mining venture has had considerable after the closure of the mine, with repercussions negative impacts upon their livelihood. The for generations to come.
Byford, J 2000 One Day Rich; Community Perceptions of the impact of the Placer Dome Gold Mine, Misima Island,Papua New Guinea. Report submitted to Oxfam/CAA Filer, C. Henton, D. Jackson, R. 2000 Landownder Compensation in Papua New Guinea Mining and Petroleum Sectors,PNG Chamber of Mines and Petroleum Women, Mining and Communities The polarisation of the people
and the state on the interests
of the political economy and
women's struggle to defend
their existence; a critique of
mining policy in Indonesia.
Program Coordinator with an Indonesian non govern-
ment organization working on indigenous rights and
Meentje Simatauw has over 13 years experience in the areas of environmental, social and community research in Indonesia. Meentje has presented papers at numerous forums on environmental and community resource management. She has worked for the Indonesian national environmental orgnaisation WAHLI and has a long association with the Hualopu Foundation, the Maluku Provincial Government and Pattimura University. We give birth to children, we cannot give
local governments distributed 3,246 permits for birth to land.
Class C mining activities such as sand, stones, If our fathers continue relinquishing the
and marbles. Mining areas overlap with land, where will our children go?
conservation areas regulated by state and localtraditional law. A general overview
Mines, by their very nature, cannot be separated The Indonesian nation is an archipelago of from the land. Mining companies are dependent more than 17,508 islands extending over on resources from under and on the land's 5,193,252 km, including 1,904,569 km of surface, and the geological processes that land and 3,288,683 km of sea. The coastal produce these resources. Likewise, in agrariansocieties, land is essential, providing the medium landscape extends 81,000 km2. Many of on which the livelihood of the community is Indonesia's islands are small islands. Only 5700 founded. Although the land has provided a of Indonesia's islands have names. Both the guarantee of life over centuries for these Indonesian land and the sea have a great communities, it can also cause systematic diversity of natural resources that have enormous structural disaster. Communities face the risk of potential for economic development. (Department losing their surface land property rights if mining of Transmigration and Forest Clearing resources are discovered in the area. This Settlements, 1995). insecurity arises from the differing and often Of the natural wealth dispersed in the Indonesia conflicting priorities and interests ofcommunities, the state and mining companies. landmass, 35% is subject to extractive industry,including the mining, logging (HPH), plantation Mining in Indonesia involves mainly open-pit (HTI) and the palm oil businesses. Indonesian mining. Large-scale mining sites in Indonesia are forest at the moment is in a state of critical often located on community lands, natural support destruction and is being degraded as a result of areas, and traditional conservation areas protected human activities. JATAM (Indonesia's Mining under traditional indigenous law and state law. This Advocacy Network) data indicates that in 2001, overlap between mining and conservation areas has resulted in a significant reduction in the quality defend the country's performance to the world.
of Indonesia's environment. The cases of PT This ideology permits the development of state Freeport Indonesia, and PT Kelian Equatorial policy that promotes economic growth rather Mining (KEM) are examples.
than community prosperity. The implications ofthis policy focus are listed below.
Government involvement in mining
1. The centralisation of national policy and The Indonesian Government has made regional revenue (PAD) results in the systematic efforts to maintain the existence of creation of natural resource policies that mining in Indonesia. As such, it has boldly accommodate government and pawned the fate of generations to come, ensuring investment interests on the grounds of the destruction of the living environment, the 'development'. This includes restrictions suffering of traditional communities, a decreased on traditional communities' access to quality of life amongst the local populations, and control over natural resources. increased violence against women, and the 2. The destruction of community political, destruction of the islands' ecology. economic and socio-cultural systems The State has asserted it's right to through land parcelling, annexation, and unconditionally control Indonesia's earth, water the expropriation of community rights and atmosphere through the State Authority over resources.
Right (HMN) found in Agrarian Act No. 5/1960.
3. A clash between the values of The government has used this ruling to justify traditional society and economic policy.
their control of the state's mineral resources and 4. Traditional communities are faced with of the process of land rights determination. violence and forced change that is Several specific cases indicate that the initiated and supported by the state.
introduction of mining into traditionalcommunities has resulted in the loss or The impacts of mining companies
marginalisation of traditional culture of such on communities and women
communities, such as the Dayak Siang Careless mining activities have caused the community in Central Kalimantan. In addition, the destruction of the ecology, social stability and the Government does not respect community rights, using the defence and security forces to represscommunities that oppose the presence of mining on their lands. Not surprisingly, Indonesia hasdeveloped a reputation for human right's Although almost all of Indonesia's mining violations in the mining industry. PT Freeport corporations contribute to the destruction of the Indonesia, PT Indo Muro Kencana (IMK), and PT environment and its ecosystems, none have KEM provide examples of mining activities linked undertaken the rehabilitation of former mine to human rights abuses.
sites. This neglect occurs because theIndonesian legal framework does not encourage Indonesia's mining policies are the root of the corporate responsibility. There is no doubt that problem, as they are entrenched in an archaic mining operations change the quality of the legal framework and discriminatory practices. As environment. The main ecological impacts of such, a fundamental and paradigmatic change is mining result from changes to the geomorph- required in Indonesia's mining orientation and ology, and from the dumping of tailings into the policy. Indonesia's flawed mining orientation has sea. The destruction of natural ecosystems its beginnings in the Mining Act No. 1/1967, which damages the foundations of community life, as outlined foreign capital investment policy. This communities are dependant on the forest, water, decree was followed by the creation of the and plant-growth (forest, agricultural and Contract of Work (KK) Generation I between the plantation-based) for their dietary needs, the Indonesian government and Freeport McMoran.
economy, their health and culture.
In 1967, the initial decree was supplemented byAct No. 11, which detailed basic provisions for Economic impacts of mining
mining. Since that time, Indonesia has enlisted In natural resource dependent communities, mining policies that are exploitative and are ecological change impacts the productivity of the orientated to favour the interests of investors. community and village women. This impact often The Indonesian government subscribes to begins with the violation of a society's land and economic development ideology in order to economic rights. The following examples Women, Mining and Communities demonstrate how the expropriation of land results Changes in the fulfilment of family
in the loss of economic resources for society. Ecological change influences the availability of Before PT IMK (owned by the Australian natural resources for the fulfilment of daily living company Aurora Gold) began mining inher area, Satar and her family had a needs. Communities that usually obtain promising future. Satar and her husband, vegetables, fish and other protein sources, Ataklidi, were traditional goldminers in including carbohydrates, from garden produce or Serujan, a mine discovered by the Dayak natural resources, are forced to outlay money to people. At that period, they earned Rp fulfil their living requirements. As such, continued 5,000 to Rp 30,000 per day, or ecological destruction results in an increased approximately 400,000 to 700,000 per need for cash within the community. This can be month depending on conditions. In 1984, demonstrated with reference to a Dayak Siang this family was able to buy a chainsaw, a Bakumpai woman, whose daily food requirements motor and made improvements to their were obtained from her garden, rice fields and home. Satar's children were in the river. Following is a brief description of the elementary school and they also had effect that PT IMK had on this woman's life.
enough savings to school her sister.
Mrs Satar had a field as large as 10 to 15 Similarly, the Kutai Dayak traditional hectares on the community's traditional community has also experienced similar land. Upon this land, she could harvest impacts to the community's economy.
enough produce for one year, in fact Kutai's traditional Dayak gold miners sometimes more. With the introduction of were able to support themselves and the mining into her community, she lost improve their lives until PT. KEM began all but one hectare of her land to the mining operations in the area in 1985.
mining company. Consequently, she had Prior to the arrival of PT. KEM, the to buy approximately 3 sacks of rice per community collected between 5-10 month at a cost of Rp. 39,000 per sack grams of gold daily, or 200-300 grams a (price at January 1998). In addition, the week, receiving an income of at least mining company's operations polluted the Rp.100,000 per person, per week. When river, which could no longer be used to PT KEM entered the area, the community meet household needs, and no longer was violently evicted from their land and produced fish. Previously, Satar had consequently lost their income. When cooked fresh fish each day for her family.
threatened with closure in 2003, PT KEM Now, as a result of the pollution, she has was prepared to provide the equivalent to buy salted fish. If there is enough of 3 grams per person, per day, as money, she purchases 2 kilos of salted compensation whilst their mining fish a month at Rp. 15,000 per kilo. To operations continued. This figure has still obtain bathing and drinking water, Satar not been finalised (National Commission must walk a long way to a water source on Human Rights Indonesia, 2000a).
that is not affected by the company's Newmont Nusa Tenggara's mining tailings. Satar's livelihood is further activities in Sumbawa have stopped the threatened by the loss of her two water production of palm sugar, an economic buffalos, found dead at the edge of the activity normally undertaken by women.
contaminated river. As a result, women have lost an incomeof approximately Rp. 20,000 per day.
Social impacts of mining
Coal mining in South Kalimantan has The presence of a large-scale mining industry in prevented women from earning income Indonesia has the potential to create social from rubber plantations. This loss of conflict and serious human rights violations.
income is equivalent to 2 kg of rubber This conflict arises firstly as a result of the or Rp. 4,000 per day.
exploitation of natural resources, which impacts Women in Buyat Bay have been upon the economic and socio-cultural rights of impacted by the submarine tailings communities. Secondly, pressure to maintain disposal operation of Newmont's investment security, political stability and Minahasa Raya's gold mine. Populations company security can result in the oppression of of young milkfish, a major source of their human rights and can subsequently result in income, have declined with the social conflict (Dianto Bachriadi, 1998). For submarine tailings disposal operation. example, economic pressure undermined the compensation negotiation process with PT.
discrimination. In addition, "female" job seekers KEM, which began in 1998 in East Kalimantan, are often forced to fulfil the sexual needs of creating horizontal conflict between higher ranked employees (National Commission communities and resulting in the emergence of on Human Rights Indonesia, 2000b).
competing factions (the Pure Team vs. LKTML).1 Consequently, as a result of the working Likewise, social conflict arose during the conditions being forced upon them by mining occupation of the PT IMK, with the formation of companies, women's reproduction rights have Team 60 in February 2000 in Central been subject to abuse.
Changes to physical health and modes of
In Timika, social dynamics resulted in the marginalisation of women during compensationnegotiations with PT Freeport. During these Women are compelled by human necessity to negotiations it was determined that carry out their daily activities in environmental compensation payments in the form of the 1% conditions that differ greatly from those existing fund would be distributed to men, as it was prior to the presence of mining companies. As a believed that they fairly represented women's result, new types of illnesses have emerged interests. As such, the women of Timika have within the community and it is women and suffered a double blow at the hands of the mining children that are most susceptible to these company. Firstly, mining companies have evicted them: their livelihood resources have been taken At PT Newmont Minahasa Raya mine's submarine and destroyed. Secondly, the women do not have tailings disposal site in Buyat Bay, Minahasa the right to receive or manage compensation District North Sulawesi, results from laboratory payments. In addition, men's sole receipt of investigations of citizen's blood and nails show compensation payments has resulted in traces of arsenic in the bodies of women. In increased alcohol consumption, more bars and addition, there are many people in the community sex workers, increased violence against women, that suffer from skin diseases, and experience and increased violence in households. An issue reoccuring headaches. The mine waste raised at a Mimika Amungme Women's Forum contamination is suspected to be one of the (1999), was the use of the 1% fund, which has causes of the many health issues in the become a serious social problem. Paradoxically,several of the indigenous communities in this community. Undoubtedly women's reproductive area regard land as their mother in their organs have also been damaged by this pollution.
traditional philosophy. Komoro women in the Timika district have alsobegun to relate their health problems with the Impacts on the community and women
consumption of polluted drinking water. A number of traditional miners have been forcibly Before the introduction of large-scale mining, evicted from their economic activity by state communities consumed traditional medicines to funds and power. This eviction has been carried restore poor health. However, when the mining out using the government's claim that the companies began exploiting natural resources, community members are "illegal miners" (PETI).
the communities lost many plants that were This is a violation of the citizen's economic and necessary for the formulation of these traditional socio-cultural rights. Allegations of human rights medicines. Consequently, community members violations have been levelled at PT KEM together have had to purchase medicines to treat their with the state apparatus (National Commission illnesses, which results in an increased demand on Human Rights Indonesia 2000b). Similarly, the Dayak Siang and Bakumpai communities inCentral Kalimantan have accused PT IMK ofhuman rights abuses.
An unbalanced struggle
The change in function of natural resources, When mining companies enter communities, the modes of production and the power structure residents are faced with two choices. They can dictating access and control of these resources, enter work in the service and public sectors to has encouraged women to join with men in the supplement their lost income, or they can struggle against mining. A woman impacted by choose to work for the mining company. Work marble mining in North Molo in the West Timor within mining companies generally involves manual and low-skill labour. In East Kalimantan,women who choose to work as mine workers We struggle to defend the cultural with PT KEM are forced to endure sexual location, sacred sites, indigenous rites, Women, Mining and Communities places where before our ancestors lived and did rites that asked for rain and the It can be clearly seen that mining companies heat, protected plants, protected us from contribute substantially to ecological, social and sicknesses or other dangers that would economic instability within communities. Women impact the community. These naturalsigns have been able to be read by the experience particular detrimental impacts community. We do not want our children including sexual discrimination and violations of only to hear empty stories. So if these their basic rights. Mining destroys women's rocks are taken, then the children we gave traditional existence, their productive functions, birth to will never see a historical rock their reproductive health, and causes the spread because it has already been taken by of discrepancies in women's socio-political rights.
investors and we will no longer be able to Workers' organisations, which are dominated by view Timor from the top of the rocks. men, have never fought for or are not brave (Irian Jaya Indigenous People's Institute enough to raise cases of human rights violations for Study and Empowerment, 1997).
against women. The orientation of discussionsbetween these organisations and mining If communities reach a successful compensation companies is directed towards economic issues, negotiation with the mining companies, the such as wage increases, subsidies and so on.
payments are generally claimed by anddistributed to men. As such, compensation The paper calls for efforts to support a payments are inclined to benefit men and reduce moratorium on mining in Indonesia, as well as the the roles of women within the community. This cessation of new permission provisions for disadvantage is compounded by women's mining expansion.
nervousness about the resources available for thefollowing generations.
Article translated by Laurinda Bailey. Notes
1 LKMTL (Lembaga Kesejahteraan Masyarakat Tambang dan Lingkungan -The Community Welfare Institute of Mining and
Environment) is a community organisation initiated by the affected community. This organisation has been fighting to erect
community rights for years against PT. KEM odious operation. Since 1998, LKMTL succeeded to negotiate with PT. KEM to
represent all affected communities. In 2000, PT. KEM put new strategy to break down LKMTL power by forming the Pure
Team that consists of some paid community members. With this strategy, PT. KEM relinquished all of the agreement with
LKMTL and started to negotiate with the Pure Team.
2 In the same year with the crisis in Kelian in East Kalimantan, PT. IMK also applied the same strategy with PT. KEM to crushthe community struggle. In Puruk Cahu, PT. IMK formed and paid Team 60 to fight against the local affected community. Department of Transmigration and Forest Clearing Settlements (1995) Review of Phase 1 Results, Maluku and Nusa Tenggara,Regional Physical Planning Program for Transmigration (RePPROT).
Dianto Bachriadi, Misery in the midst of abundance. ELSHAM, 1998 National Commission on Human Rights Indonesia (2000a), Human Rights Problems around the area of PT KEM, West Kutai,East Kalimantan, Jakarta 22 February 2000.
National Commission on Human Rights Indonesia (2000b), TPF Report: Around the PT KEM mine region, West Kutai District,East Kalimantan, Feb 2000 National Congress of Indigenous Peoples (1998) Paper presented at the Mining and Traditional Society Discussion, Jakarta,19 March 1998. Mimika Amungsa Women's Cooperation Forum (FKPAM), Statement of an Amungme woman at the Women's Health andHuman Right's workshop in Timika, 13-16 January 1999.
Irian Jaya Indigenous People's Institute for Study and Empowerment, Arso Traditional Society Institute (1997) Statement of a Labour, love and loss:
mining and the
displacement of
Anthropology RSPAS/ Humanities Research Centre
Australian National University
Kathryn Robinson has worked as an anthropologist in Indonesia since the mid-1970s. She is currently a Senior Fellow in the Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, Australian National University and editor of The Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology. Her current research includes gender and democracy in Indonesia, women and international migration, and community economies in Indonesia. The Soroako nickel project in South reached by rising at dawn and walking through Sulawesi, Indonesia came into operation in the company golf course (built on the site of the the late 1970s, and was the first of the former wet rice fields) and following the dusty mining projects implemented by the 'New Order' gravel roads which led to the mine site and regime of President Suharto. The difficult terrain beyond. People would sit around in the field huts and fragile tropical soils of the region had and gossip about daily life. On the distant hills, supported small communities of semi- fallow fields were visible as grassy patches subsistence farmers, but most of these had among the jungle growth and I heard people dispersed as refugees before 1965 due to the muse on a number of occasions that those hostilities between Darul Islam rebels and distant fields never seemed long way off 'before' government troops. By the time I began research but now they did. Framing this as cultural in the community in 1977, the rhythms of question, I speculated about the impact of everyday life in Soroako were dominated by the motorised transport on perceptions of distance in demands of the mining company. Young men people used to walking on jungle paths, or almost universally worked for the mine or one of crossing Lake Matano in small canoes. However the contractors. Older men and women had been after analysing survey data on household labour displaced to the dry-rice farming areas behind another explanation of the apparent perceptual the strip-mined hills due to the government change emerged: the perception of distance was facilitated forced purchase of the community's an artefact of the mining company's targeting of prime agricultural land on the shores of Lake young men (aged 16-36) as labourers. Farming as Matano. The distribution of power between men a principal occupation had previously been and women and definitions of masculinity and almost universal in the community, but it had femininity had been transformed both by the new become the province of women and old men.
labour arrangements associated with the mine's However, at times of greatest labour requirements domination of the local economy, and the and when trees were felled to open a new field, traditional ideals of gender roles imposed by the farming households required the labour of the Suharto regime1. young men who worked in the mine. They wereonly free to offer their labour on their one day off The villagers of Soroako continued to cultivate (Sunday) and so labour intensive activities, rice in the hills behind the mine site, which were especially planting, but also harvesting, had to be Women, Mining and Communities scheduled on Sundays. As a consequence, different matter - generosity to a neighbour or agriculture became viable only in fields within 2-3 kinsman can be felt as deprivation, especially in an hours distance by foot or motorised boat, so economy where most household needs were met young men could make the round trip on their through purchased commodities, and even most non-working day. Thus the fields they had households with wage earners carried debts for previously cultivated in more remote mountain basic living over from one month to the next.
areas seemed 'too far away'. Money was also needed on a regular basis forschool fees, to support older children studying My host told me in shock one day that a woman outside the town, and to make the monthly had just died of 'beri-beri'. Her manner indicated repayments on consumer goods (eg. chairs, TVs, this news was a shock to her moral sensibilities.
A few hours later, a group of people came to thehouse to tell us that she was not dead: while The reworking of models of femininity by the New preparing the body for Muslim burial, they Order state emphasised women's domesticity, and discovered that she was in a near-dead state and that women's citizenship was grounded in her respiration was very low. They wanted help in performance of wifely and maternal duties. Official having her admitted to the company hospital (the women's organisations explicitly promoted this only medical facility in the locality, aside from a style of 'emphasised femininity' (in Connell's government First Aid post which was usually terms), and in Soroako, elite wives replicated this closed). The woman was admitted to hospital and process by organising the wives of company diagnosed as undernourished and suffering from employees into a Family Association with the same TB (endemic in the region). People clearly found agenda. Furthermore, this ideology was reinforced it shocking that one of their fellow villagers and by the relegation of women to the domestic kinswomen could come to such a state and they sphere, as men now had almost exclusive access struggled to understand how it had happened. to wage labour, whereas both men and womenhad previously been cultivators of rice.
The incident seemed to force members of thelocal community to try and understand how a In the early 1980s, Soroako had the highest woman could starve to death in their midst, in a contraceptive prevalence rates in Indonesia.
situation where many Soroakans were Contraceptives were efficiently distributed in the experiencing increasing purchasing power from community through the mining company's health their cash wages, and where expatriate services program. Company employees, like civil employees lived in luxury in nearby suburbs. The servants, had certain employment benefits limited sick woman was a landless widow with two to the first three children. The company children. People explained, however, that before fieldworkers visited people in their homes, and the development of the mine, she had assisted 'motivated' people to use contraception. In other people in their fields in exchange for a discussing reasons for contraceptive use, women proportion of rice harvested. Hence, they said, would link their need to space and limit births to she could have a full rice barn, even though she their desire to not be 'repot' (harassed) with too was landless. The changed economy, with no many children. In the contemporary scene, when more wet rice fields, made it difficult for her to men all leave the village early in the day to work make a living in this way. Instead she had only and return late, often 6 days a week, childcare casual work, for example hand stitching newly has become a much more individualised activity woven silk sarongs into a wearable tube, to earn and hence is felt to be more onerous. Increasing the cash that was now fundamental to survival.
levels of school attendance has reduced the Her teenage son provided the bulk of the family availability of sibling caretakers and has made income through the arduous task of collecting child care a much more individualised task for rattan in the jungle. After contracting TB, she was mothers. Also, women spend more time working unable to perform even simple jobs, and her independently in the domestic sphere (and in situation worsened. Her story illustrates the modernised homes with concrete floors and impact of the monetisation of the economy. internal bathrooms which require moremaintenance), although some of the collective In the past, a household's wealth was substantially and social attributes of farm work, for example represented by a store of rice, whereas following doing the laundry in designated public spaces on the development of the mine wealth was measured the shores of the lake, are still undertaken. But in the form of cash. A request for assistance from also very importantly, the ideal of responsible a rice barn was readily met - after all, for a family parenthood, providing children with bekal with a lot of land, there would always be more next (provisions) for the future, can no longer be year, and anyway, rice was for eating. Money is a achieved by ensuring that children acquired the would privilege the education of sons or daughters. In the mid-90s, very few Soroakans had permanent work with company. Some had casual work with contractors, to whom the company had offloaded its 'non-core' activities. Several of the young women I had known since their primary school years had post-secondary training in professions such as accounting. While many had found employment in the provincial capital, Makassar, once they returned to Soroako it was very difficult for them to obtain work. In anew sprit of partnership with locals, the companyhad invited a friend of mine to take up a cateringcontract in the company mess. She recruitedseveral of the tertiary educated young women to work in food preparation and as waitresses. They small scale were excited and delighted at the prospect of miners return to their paid work. The changed economic conditions village after a day's work brought about by the mine created new panning for gold in the local river, opportunities for them, and they were often able Central Kalimantan, Indonesia. to live and study away from the watchful eyes of PHOTO: Courtesy of JATAM their family and kin. Thus they were able to growand develop outside of the kinship-based forms of necessary knowledge for farming, animal power that had previously structured their lives husbandry and collecting jungle products for and had limited their personal movement outside sale. Instead, under the changed economic the home. As young unmarried women, they were conditions of the mining town, providing children the bearers of family honour and were obliged to with formal education (for which money was live modest protected lives until the arrangement needed) was perceived as the ideal preparation of their marriage by their parents. Education did for future success. not guarantee personal freedom or economicindependence, but did coalesce with other factors Prior to the mining development, levels of in bringing profound changes in the gender order.
education were generally low, but lowest forwomen and girls who typically completed only In 1983, a woman stabbed her husband in his three years primary education, compared with an sleep, an unprecedented event. She then average of six years for boys and men. Currently, reported her act the village authorities that went large numbers of young indigenous Soroakans to her house and, as one put it, found 'not one have post-secondary education. Their parents grain of rice' in the house. The man had taken to make considerable sacrifices to send them on to drinking at the bars that had opened up to cater high school, often in another town or province, for foreign and other migrant workers, and had and then to some kind of tertiary study. It is only begun spending all his wages on drink. When quite recently that indigenous children of non- drunk, he had raped his teenage daughter. The employees have been allowed to enrol in distraught mother reported his actions to the company schools. In addition, a privately funded village officials, who were also her kinsmen, and high school has been opened in the village. By they counselled her to stay with her husband, the time of my fieldwork, as a consequence of respecting the sanctity of her marriage. She had the government's compulsory primary school no other source of income, and there was no one education policy, all children (male or female) willing to assist her in protecting her daughter. On completed 6 years of schooling. Furthermore, the next occasion that he raped their daughter whilst making the decision to fund post-primary while drunk, she waited until he fell asleep and education, which in most cases involved out of stabbed him. Somewhat to my surprise, this sad town travel, Soroakan parents did not appear to tale did not evoke the kind of shock that discriminate between male and female children.
promotes collective reflection and feelings of 'How do you know which one has brains?' was guilt, like the near-death of the woman reported the reply of a man I asked about whether he above. Nevertheless, emerging definitions of Women, Mining and Communities masculinity and femininity that were taking root in and the state have explicit agendas with regard the mining town compounded her economic to gender relations; the company preferentially recruiting men and the state promoting a nationalidealised model of domesticated femininity. The The economic strategy of the New Order courted promotion of particular models of femininity is foreign investment and opened up the Indonesian linked to the exercise of state power, through the economy, bringing new forms of capitalist naturalising of the patriarchal authority of the production and global cultural flows. The cultural family. Gender relations are influenced not just by flows occurred in the form of mass media (music, these explicit gender agendas however, but also TV, films) and also through the complex cultural by the impact of policies that on the surface interactions experienced due to the increased appear to have no direct link to gender, such as mobility and flows of people in and out of the the economic policies promoting foreign investment. These lead to the new forms ofemployment that selectively recruit men, in the In Soroako, marriages were traditionally arranged case of mining, or women, in the case of factory between parents. The cultural flows that have work. The disciplinary regimes of the state accompanied the opening up of the Indonesian include the distribution of contraception and economy brought with them new desires for self- strong inducements for women to limit their realisation through romantic attachments. Such fertility. This is accompanied by state propaganda perceptions of the 'modern individual', were widely idealising the domestic role of women and circulated in the mass media, and became promoting stable monogamous unions (with two realisable in towns where there were large number well-spaced children) as the ideal. However, of migrants, freed from the kinship ties that global cultural flows also promote new ideals of regulated their lives in their home communities.
self-development through the realisation of new The ultimate expression of this ideal, a free choice sexual/gender identities, promoted, for example marriage, involved a major shift in power from the through pop songs, TV and advertising. (Most old to the young, and reflected the fact that the Indonesian ads on TV use middle class urban old were no longer able to enforce their will by dwellers whose way of life bears little relation to controlling the resources necessary for the the lives of the majority of Indonesians). payment of bride-wealth and the all-importantpayment for the wedding feast. Arranged marriage Women's everyday lives have been influenced by remained the concern of all who had been the economic impacts of development projects involved in realising them, and so in most cases and by the social and cultural impacts of new the family of the bride would feel a responsibility models of femininity (and masculinity). The to intervene if a marriage turned bad. Two decades changes for women have not been altogether ago, when the pattern of marriage was beginning negative. Women have experienced more freedom to change, younger married women who had through increased access to education, and the arranged marriages saw free-choice marriage as a associated chance to travel outside of the village great risk. They expressed the view that if you to pursue their studies. Education, however, followed your parents' will and the spouse turned provides no guarantees of economic autonomy.
out to be 'no good', they felt bound to support The emergence of a discourse of romantic love, you. If you followed your own will you could not and the opportunity for self-realisation through expect such support. New ideals of self-realisation romantic attachment, would seem to signify through expression of sexuality was not limited to liberation from kinship-based forms of power.
the unmarried, of course, and the community However, it also leaves women vulnerable to began to experience marriage breakdowns as deception, betrayal and violence, especially given married men abandoned their family obligations to their increased economic dependence. The seek romance with migrant women.
changes in the construction of femininity have tobe seen against the models of masculinity Gender relations have been profoundly reworked promoted under the New Order. In particular, the in contemporary Indonesia, through the hegemonic masculinity associated with a violent development agenda of the New Order, and these and authoritarian state, where male domination of changes are very evident in the transformed women within a circumscribed nuclear family, economy of the mining town. Both the company provided a model for the exercise of state power.
1 I have based the interpretive framework for the analysis of gender on R.W Connell's book Gender and Power: Society, thePerson and Sexual Politics (1987). Mining, HIV/AIDS and
women – Timika, Papua
Nurlan Silitonga, A. Ruddick, Wignall FS
After graduating from Jakarta's Christian University, Nurlan Silitonga studied epidemiology HIV/AIDS at Brown University. From 1996-2001 she worked as a physician in a primary health centre in Timika, Papua. She set up the PT Freeport HIV/AIDS prevention program and has provided consultacy services for STD and HIV/AIDS programs to several other mining companies in Indonesia. Nurlan is currently a Masters student working on STDs and HIV/AIDS at Sydney University. Background
Mining is a unique industry. Despite its potential Timika is a mining town in the Papua Province of benefits to economic development, the mining Indonesia. It is located near the southern, coastal industry can also have significant adverse effects area of Papua Island where the large goldmining on the environment and community. The effects company, PT Freeport Indonesia (PTFI), has can mitigate the economic benefits of mining operated since 1972. Timika is the administrative operations (World Bank and International Finance city of the Mimika District and it includes five sub- Corporation, 2002). For example, evidence from districts with a total population of 108,000. Twothirds of the population resides in the Timika area, mining communities in Africa show that the including the 12,000 male employees of PTFI.
spread of Human Immunodeficiency Virus /Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome (HIV/AIDS) As a mining town, Timika attracts people from has become a major health problem that other places who migrate in the hope of a better threatens both the community and the industry. life. In 10 years Timika has developed rapidly tobecome one of the busiest cities in Papua In Indonesia the mining industry plays an Province. There are daily commercial flights from important role in raising export revenues. There are Timika to other cities in Papua and Indonesia and at least nine large-scale mines currently operating passenger ships frequent the town. Timika has two in Indonesia. In the mining communities private modern hospitals. One is located on the prostitution, alcoholism, drug abuse and violence mining site and mainly provides services for PTFI are common (McMahon et al, 2002). These types employees and their families, and subcontractors.
of social problems are well known to be potential The other hospital was recently built to cater for factors in the spread of HIV/AIDS. the city's population. Both hospitals provide freemedical services for the Papuan, who are the local This paper is a case study of Timika, one of the ethnic group of the Mimika District. Various mining towns in Indonesia. The topics covered recreational and entertainment facilities are are a) the spread of HIV/AIDS in this community, available in Timika, such as hotels, motels, sports b) the efforts made to prevent HIV/AIDS facilities, and night entertainment. People believe transmission in this population and the that along with these facilities, the mining industry challenges faced, and c) how the local women provides employment opportunities and the fight against this disease. chance to be paid well. In addition, the recent Women, Mining and Communities economic crisis and the social problems evident in orientations. Books, brochures and posters have other areas of Indonesia have encouraged people been developed and distributed to employees to leave their home towns to find work. For the through AIDS program activities. Company local Papuan the commitment of PTFI to improve branded condoms were also designed and their quality of life through free medical care, provided free to high-risk groups and the education, housing, and other supports has community in general in an effort to promote encouraged them to leave their villages in the condom use. Two drop-in centres were set up in highlands and lowlands to come to Timika City.
the largest male barracks at the mine site so thatemployees could easily gain further information The sex industry is prominent in Timika's or counselling about HIV/AIDS. community. Compared to other areas, there aremore opportunities for sex workers (SWs) to gain Clinics for the screening and treatment of STDs clients and higher wages. Approximately 600 were established at the government primary SWs live in Timika. In the last few years there has health care centre and at the brothel complex, been an increase in the number of local Papuan providing all services free of charge. Routine STD girls selling sex for money, gifts and other screening and treatment was performed for the material support, including alcohol. The majority SWs and training on STD case management was of their clients are mine workers. There has also provided for health workers in the Mimika District. been an increase in the number of Papuan men The program has been successful in improving having recreational sex with SWs or having more awareness about HIV/AIDS in the community than one sexual partner. (Chivers, 2001). Around 35,000 employees and The spread of HIV/AIDS is a major concern in the community members have attended AIDS talks and Timika population. This concern arose in 1997, two 130 people have been educated as AIDS trainers. A years after four SWs were found to have higher percentage of employees and SWs are using HIV/AIDS. There are several factors that make the condoms, the STD rate among SWs has fallen, and Timika community vulnerable to a high rate of an increased number of people are utilising STD HIV/AIDS transmission. Papua Province has the clinics for treatment and testing of STDs and HIV highest rate of HIV/AIDs in Indonesia, and (Reproductive Health Clinic, 2002).
interaction with cities exhibiting a high prevalence Despite efforts to prevent the spread of HIV/AIDS of infection, such as Merauke, Sorong, and within the Timika community, the number of Jayapura, puts the Timika population at risk. In infections continues to increase. To date there are addition, the existence of wide spread prostitution 164 HIV/AIDS cases identified, of which 73% are - with its high STD rate and high-risk behavior local Papuan and 60% of these are Papuan practices such as limited condom use (Ruddick et women. It is a concern that infection rates have al 1997) - along with a lack of STD diagnosis and continued to rise sharply among the local treatment services, further spreads the virus. As Papuan. The major challenges to reducing HIV of December 2001 there were 718 cases of transmission include: high migration and mobility, HIV/AIDS in Papua Province, 164 of which were insufficient implementation of HIV/AIDS reported in Mimika District. This means that prevention programs in many areas and Mimika District has the second highest rate of communication difficulties caused by high rates HIV/AIDS in Papua (Subdin, 2002). of illiteracy and multiple languages.
HIV/AIDS program
Papuan women
A comprehensive STD and HIV/AIDS prevention There are a number of reasons why HIV/AIDS program was established in 1997 by the local cases amongst Papuan women are continuing to department of health and PTFI. The aims of the rise to problematic levels. The prevalence of unsafe program are a) to improve community knowledge sexual practices, STD infections, and HIV/AIDS and awareness about the risk of HIV/AIDS cases amongst Papuan men is likely to affect the transmission, b) to reduce high-risk behaviour level of infections amongst Papuan women practices among the high-risk groups, and c) to (Reproductive Health Clinic, 2002). In addition, we provide adequate services in the diagnosis and found that many Papuan women who visit the STD treatment of STDs. clinic for infertility problems have a poor knowledge PTFI has implemented a workplace based of HIV/AIDS and other STDs. The Papuan women HIV/AIDS prevention program. Employees receive who had been infected with HIV/AIDS believed it to HIV/AIDS talks during their initial safety be a normal, curable condition. Furthermore, the orientation and during subsequent annual healthy appearance of the infected husband, partner or themselves meant that women These conditions combined with the societal ideal continued unsafe sexual practices without realising of monogamy reduce Papuan women's ability to that they could receive or transmit HIV/AIDS.
discuss fidelity with their partner, ask their partnerto use a condom or for these women to leave a In general, the dissemination of information about risky relationship. STD risks rarely occurs at primary health centres.
One reason is that a large number of health So far the HIV/AIDS program for Papuan women workers have limited knowledge of STDs and only incorporates the STD clinic in Timika. There HIV/AIDS and are thus discouraged to discuss the are many Papuan women who have not been issue. In addition, many health workers believe reached by this service and are facing the threat that married women do not need information of HIV/AIDS infection. Their ignorance and/or fear about STDs or that by asking questions they may mean that they do nothing to protect themselves.
offend patients. Sexual health is a sensitive issue Programs are urgently needed to assist Papuan that isn't openly discussed; people feel that women to avoid and manage this devastating discussions related to this topic are inappropriate.
threat. These programs must actively target A high illiteracy rate and also multiple languages Papuan women, whilst incorporating Papuan have restricted Papuan women from getting men. It is important that men are aware of the information about STDs and HIV/AIDS. problem and realise that they have an importantrole in saving or tearing down their women's Furthermore, the unequal power balance between lives. Women's issues should be included in women and men in Papuan society acts as a every AIDS program and activity. It is also powerful obstacle to women protecting important that the government, private sector, themselves from STDs and HIV/AIDS. Papuan Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs), women commonly bear the burden of household community leaders and every individual in the chores and managing the children and the family, community promotes and provides a supportive leaving them with no time for themselves. There is and reinforcing environment for Papuan women. a perception that Papuan women are responsiblefor bearing children to their husband, and womenare often blamed for the failure to do so, providing men with a reason to find another woman.
The situation in Timika shows that the mining Currently Papuan women have the additional industry is conducive to HIV/AIDS transmission.
responsibility of providing the household's Many mining companies operate in Indonesia, livelihood whilst their husbands search for work in thus the condition in Timika may occur in other the city for months at a time without providing any mining areas as well. A commitment from mining support. They also have to face the fear that their companies to support the HIV/AIDS prevention men may leave them for other women, which is program is important to curbing HIV/AIDS becoming more common. Physical abuse against transmission. However, prevention programs are a Papuan women from their husband/partner is collaborative effort of the government, private commonplace and is considered as a normal sector, NGOs, community leaders and every practice. Often Papuan women are forced to have individual in society. As such, they should be sex with their husband/partner even though they comprehensive, continual, and culturally sensitive are unwilling, sick, or their husband is drunk.
to address the dynamic challenges of HIV/AIDS. Chivers P C. Review of STD, HIV/AIDS Education and Services at PT Freeport Indonesia. Report to Public Health & MalariaControl Department. PT Freeport Indonesia, 2001. McMahon G, Subdibjo ER, Aden J, Bouhazer A, Dore G, Kunanayagam R. Mining and the Environment in Indonesia: Long-term Trends and Repercussions of The Asian Economic Crisis. EASES Discussion Paper Series. Available at: {HYPERLINK"" [AccessedMay 20, 2002] Ruddick A, Robinson S, Wignall FS, Silitonga N, Wignall FS. (1997) Summary Report of PTFI employees, HIV/AIDS Survey,Timika, Indonesia. Report to Public Health & Malaria Control Department, PT. Freeport Indonesia Report, 1997. Reproductive Health Clinic. Primary Health Centre (Puskesmas) Timika. Papua Province. Indonesia. 2002. Subdin BPP & PL Dinas Kesehatan Papua Province. Indonesia. 2002 World Bank and International Finance Corporation. Treasure or Trouble? Mining in Developing Countries. Available at: [Accessed May 20, 2002]. Women, Mining and Communities Gender – describes the socially constructed roles
It should be carried out through the whole project and responsibilities of women and men - what and program cycle, from planning and design to males and females do, what they are responsible implementation, monitoring and evaluation.
for, and how they are expected to behave. These Practical gender needs – are the immediate
roles, responsibilities and expectations vary and practical needs women have for survival.
according to cultural, religious, historical and Women's practical gender needs are usually economic factors. Therefore, gender roles are determined by the gendered division of labour changeable between and within cultures.
prescribed in a society and women's access and Gender awareness – requires gender sensitive
control of resources. Meeting practical gender attitudes, a commitment to placing both women's needs does not necessarily challenge existing and men's needs and priorities at the centre of gender norms.
development work, analysing the impact of Strategic gender interests – involve bringing
projects on women and men, and designing about equality between men and women. They projects that involve both women and men. It transform gender relations by challenging requires knowledge about the impact that women's disadvantaged position or lower status.
development activities will have on both women Meeting strategic gender interests involves and men, which must involve an understanding of working with men as well as women to change women's and men's social and economic assumptions about women's role and place in relations and experiences.
society. If these were met, the existing Gender equality – refers to equal opportunities
relationship of unequal power between women and outcomes for women and men, recognising and men would be transformed.
their different needs and interests, and requiring Empowerment – is both a process and
a redistribution of power and resources.
objective. Empowerment involves realising the Gender sensitivity – means taking both women
skills and confidence to set one's own agendas, and men seriously in development planning and make one's own choices and speak out on one's programming. It involves seeing what women and own behalf. It entails a process of becoming men actually do, rather than relying on conscious, and thus denaturalizing, assumptions assumptions; hearing both women's and men's about gender based roles and responsibilities. needs, priorities and perspectives; counting the Gender mainstreaming – is defined as making
value of both women's and men's work; a gender perspective central to policy respecting both women's and men's views and formulation, planning, program design, human rights; and caring about how women and monitoring and evaluation, human resource men are affected by development programs.
management and budgeting. Gender Gender analysis – is the process of considering
mainstreaming aims to ensure that women and the impact that a development project or program men have equitable access to, and control over may have on women and men, and on the resources, opportunities and benefits and economic and social relationships between them.
participate equally in decision making process.2 Footnotes
1 Adapted from Juliet Hunt 2001 "Gender and Development Concepts"
2 OCAA 2002 "OCAA Gender Mainstreaming Strategy 2002-2005" Women, Mining and Communities


Issue 5, March 2016 OQNHE 3rd INTERNATIONAL OQNHE conference, Benchmark, Test Blueprint and more. Hello friends.Oman Quality Network in Higher Education is proud to announce the publication of the fifth issue of its e-newsletter. This issue provides a glimpse into the activities conducted by the Network through some articles related to the higher

Table of Contents Introduction . 3 About Us . 4 Director's Desk . 5 Buds Network . 6 Blossom Crèche . 6 Poomalai  Women's  Collective . 7 ROSE . 7 Rainbow TB Forum . 8 Blossom Dayspring Home . 8 Blossom Organic Farm . 9 Project Axshya . 10 Global Giving Campaign . 12 CEPT . 13 PPTCT . 14 DRC – TNVHA .15 Board of Trustees . 16 Acknowledgments . 16