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World transport policy & practice

World Transport Policy & Practice Vol ume 4, Num ber 1, 1998 Abstracts & keywords
Dutch Transport Policy: From Rhetoric to Reality
Gary Haq and Machiel Bolhuis
Urban Transport and Equity: the case of São Paulo
Eduardo A. Vasconcel os
Sustainable Transport: Some challenges for Israel and Palestine
Yaakov Garb
Can Demand Management Tame the Automobile in a Metropolitan Region?
Spenser W. Havlick & Peter W. G. Newman
The Impact of Transportation on Household Energy Consumption
Rick Browning, Michele Helou & Paul A. Larocque
From Curitiba to Quito: Reserved traffic lanes for public transport
as an ecological, economic and social policy for cities
Benoît Lambert
1998 Eco-Logi ca Ltd Edi t o r
John Whitelegg, Professor of Environmental Studies, Liverpool John Moores University,
Clarence Street, Liverpool, L3 5UG, U.K.
Edit o rial Bo ard Eric Britton, Managing Director, EcoPlan International, The Centre for Technology & Systems
Studies, 10 rue Joseph Bara, 75006 Paris, France.
Paul Tranter, Senior Lecturer, School of Geography and Oceanography, University College,
Australian Defence Force Academy, Canberra ACT 2600, Australia.
John Howe, Professor of Transportation Engineering and Head of Infrastructural Engineering
and Physical Planning, International Institute for Infrastructural, Hydraulic andEnvironmental Engineering, Delft, The Netherlands.
Mikel Murga, Leber Planificacion e Ingenieria S.A., Apartado 79, 48930-Las Arenas, Bizkaia,
Eco-Logica Ltd., 53 Derwent Road, Lancaster, LA1 3ES, U.K.
Telephone +44 1524 63175 Fax +44 1524 848340E-mail: Editorial j.whiteleg Subscriptions Pro duc t io n Team Pascal Desmond (Subscriptions, Administration), Mark Johnston (Production). Please contact World Transport Policy & Practice4/1 [1998] Pascal Desmond for sample copies, orders and subscriptions, reprints and copyright permissions.
Abstracts and keywords effective tool in taming the automobile. The D ut ch Transpo rt Po lic y : F ro m R heto ric approaches to demand management in four European cities; Zurich, Freiburg, Stockholm Gary Haq and Machiel Bolhuis and Copenhagen; and Boulder, Colorado is invest igated.
protection, freight, mobility, Netherlands,
The Dutch have gained an international
reputation for developing coherent policy Ho useho ld Energ y Co nsum pt io n plans for transport, environment and Rick Browning, Michele Helou & Paul A. physical planning. This paper examines the L a ro cqu e rhetoric of Dutch transport policy and Keywords: Energy, Houses, Modal choice.
assesses what is actually being achieved in This paper examines transportation energy practice. Progress made in achieving the costs as an integral part of total household main targets on mobility, accessibility and energy consumption. A typical suburban environmental protection are discussed. The household is found to expend more than half growth in vehicle kilometres of the freight its total annual energy budget on operation of sector is identified as an important problem household motor vehicles. In contrast, that the Dutch will need to deal with in order households located in traditional, pedestrian- to achieve all the targets adopted in transport oriented neighbourhoods are found to use far and environmental policy.
less energy on t ransportation. For aninstructive contrast, two household budgetswere generated using a standard computer U rb an Transpo rt and Eq uit y: t he c ase program and then compared. With transportation energies included, a Eduardo A. Vasco ncello s household living in an 88 year old ‘energy Keywords: São Paulo, access, mobility,
hog' house located in a traditional pedestrian friendly neighbourhood is shown to expend Urban transport provision, accident rates and less total annual energy than a suburban accessibility in São Paulo varies household living in a highly energy efficient tremendously with income, g ender and age.
modern house. Studies and statistics Sustainable transport modes are marginalised developed in the Pacific Northwest are used and high externalities are borne by society. A as documentation for travel-related complete overhaul and reassessment of priorities is required to achieve equity intransport.
F ro m Curit ib a to Q uit o: R eserv edt raf f ic lanes f or pub lic transpo rt as an Sust ainab le Tra nspo rt : So m e ec o log ic al, ec onom ic and so cial c halleng es f o r I srael and Pal est ine Y a ak ov Ga rb Benoît La mbert Keywords: Israel, Palestine, sustainability,
Keywords: Trolleybus, urban transport,
WITH the establishment of Palestine and the Quito's new trolleybus is a great success. It is continuing peace, there is a need to appraise being expanded already. Consisting of a the transport infrastructure and policies of know-how transfer from a Latin American both countries. In particular, will Palestine city, Curitiba (Brazil), to another Latin follow Israel along the road to mass American city, Quito (Ecuador), these two motorisation or will it choose the path to experienc es display a new and original sustainability? Will Israel realise the folly of development model. By occupying urban providing for private transport and seize this space, and therefore limiting the presence of unique opportunity? the c ar, too often promoted withoutconsidering environmental and ecologicalconsequenc es, the ‘reserved structuring axes' Can D emand Manag ement Tam e the for public transport allow high mobility at A ut om ob ile in a Met ro polit an R egio n? low cost. The advantages of this model arenumerous and could profit many other cities.
Spenser W. Havlick & Peter W. G. Newman Today, more and more questions of Keywords: Demand Management, alternative
technological choices are part of the political modes, land use.
and ecological debate. Transport is no longer Demand management strategies can be an a secondary issue.
THERE is something very positive and reduction, integrated transport policies and encouraging about having detailed modal shift were muc h admired but there discussions with lively people from more was uncertainty about how to progress those than a dozen countries about transport same ideas in Africa or Asia. There was no issues. I n March this year 25 people sat doubt, however, that the ideas have to be together for the best part of a week in IHE pursued with vigour.
Delft (the Netherlands) and sharedexperienc es of dealing with traffic and its The week vividly illustrated the strongly impacts in most parts of the world. The positive aspec ts of the world transport luxury of having direct contact with Cuba, situation. The majority of the participants Mexico, Sudan, Surinam, Pakistan, were young transport professionals at the Indonesia, Vietnam, Egypt, Kenya, Turkey, start of their careers. They were enthusiastic Bangladesh, the Philippines, Thailand, and aware and they will have an impact on Nigeria, Ghana, China and the Netherlands their own countries pursuing policies based cannot be exaggerated. Everyone was on social and environmental justice and concerned about the escalation of car based on local determination of local needs.
ownership and use, and its ef fects on They will have problems. They will meet situations as different as Khartoum, Mexico with opposition particularly from their own City and Bangkok.
governments who will all too readily acceptthe my thology of road building, jobs, Individual contributions were full of increased auto-dependenc y and progress.
insight. Deleg ates from West Africa were This is a classic historic struggle between keen to emphasise the importance of status two ideologies. The presence in the debate of and prestige and its links with car educated, aware professionals is a great leap ownership. Public transport may be well forward, and the international linkages used and may be important but no-one who forged during such an intensive period of is ambitious or successful will want to be lively discussion is a major tool for further seen taking a bus. The politics is also crucial.
Senior politicians in most countries areinfluenc ed more easily by the arguments of Perhaps more importantly still the week in the car makers and the road builders than by Delft demonstrated that there is a freshness the advocates of buses and bicycles.
and a potential for international Professionals are more likely to see their collaboration from the grass roots. This group career development progress throug h large of people have far more to say about global infrastructure projects than through development as it matters to real people than pedestrian priority schemes in Nairobi or car do the large contingents of diplomats and free areas in Katmandu. These are substantial consultants dragging their baggage from Rio cultural obstacles to the development of new to Kyoto via Istanbul.
transport policies and these culturalobstacles are not being addressed.
John Whitelegg, Editor
Much discussion focussed on the experienc e of rapidly developing and (For information about similar short courses in motorising cities in coping with that growth.
Delft please contact Jan Ko ster at IHE, Delft, The UK and Dutch experiences with traffic The Netherlands, fax + 31 15 21 22 921). World Transport Policy & Practice4/1 [1998] Dutch Transport Policy: From Rhetoric to Reality Gary HaqResearch Associate, Stockholm Environment Institute at York University, UK Machiel BolhuisMinisterie van Verkeer en Waterstaat, Netherlands.
the growth in vehicle kilometres and the associated environmental impacts. The The Dutch have gained an international Dutch, on paper at least, seem to have made reputation for developing coherent policy considerable progress within the area of plans for transport, environment and transport and the environment. This paper physical planning. This paper examines the evaluates the extent to which the Dutc h have rhetoric of Dutch transport policy and met the main targets for transport in the three assesses what is actually being achieved in areas of mobility, accessibility and practice. Progress made in achieving the env ironment al protection.
main targets on mobility, accessibility andenvironmental protection are discussed. Thegrowth in vehicle kilometres of the freight The t ranspo rt sec t o r sector is identified as an important problem The Netherlands is promoted as a that the Dutch will need to deal with in order distribution country and as the ‘Gateway to to achieve all the targets adopted in transport Europe'; with Schiphol airport and the port and environmental policy.
of Rotterdam being important centres ofeconomic activity and major transport nodes of European significance. The transportsector plays an important role in the national Accessibility, environmental protection, economy and accounts for about 7-8% of the freight, mobility, Netherlands, targets Dutch Gross National Product. The Dutchexpec t a 70% increase in car use by 2010 compared to 1986: from 75 to 120 billion THE DUTCH have gained an international vehicle kilometres. The number of cars in the reputation for developing coherent plans on Netherlands is expected to increase from 5 transport, environment and physical million to 6-7 million by 2010 together with planning. With the increased attention given a 70-80% increase in goods traffic on roads to environmental protection and the need for (Ministry of Environment, 1990).
a more sustainable transport system, the Table 1 compares the modal split of the Dutch policy approach has been held up as Netherlands to four other European an example of ‘best practice'. Dutch transport countries. The figures for car use, based on policy has been integrated and co-ordinated passenger kilometres, do not vary widely with physical planning and environmental between the four countries. However car use policy. The objec tives of these policies are is lowest in the Netherlands (83.4%) and explicitly stated and specific end-points are highest in the United Kingdom (87.8%). The identified in the f orm of targets (Haq, 1997).
Netherlands also has the highest amount of In 1988 the Dutch Government published passenger kilometres travelled by rail (8.4%) the Second Transport Structure plan (Tweede compared to 5.1% in Belgium.
Structuurschema Verkeer en Vervoer (SVV2)) With regard to freight transport, Table 2 which set out the policy req uirements to shows that the Netherlands transports the achieve a compromise between mobility, lowest amount of f reight by road (63.7%) and accessibility and environmental protection.
the highest amount of freight by inland The transport plan, together with the navigation (33.8%) compared to the other National Environmental Policy Plan Plus four European countries. However, the Dutch (Nationaal Milieubeleidsplan (NMP+)) and transport the lowest amount of freight by rail Haq & Bolhuis: Dutch Transport the Fourth Report on Physical Planning Extra (2.5%). The adoption by the Dutch Policy: From Rhetoric to Reality.
(Vierde Nota Ruimtelijke O rdening (VINEX)) Government of Dutch Railways' Rail 21 and World Transport Policy & Practice4/1 [1998] 4 - 8 provide an integrated strategy to deal with Cargo 21 plans has provided the impetus to Haq & Bolhuis: Dutch Transport develop and encourage greater use of rail transport; improving accessibility and Policy: From Rhetoric to Reality.
within the Netherlands for both passenger improving environmental quality. In total, 38 World Transport Policy & Practice and freight transport. The D utch Railways main targets have been set which cover Rail 21 plan aims to double transport volume different aspects of the three main themes of capacity and improve the quality of rail the plan: mobility, accessibility and travel while the Cargo 21 plan aims to environmental protection (Ministry of increase the amount of f reight transported by Transport, 1992a).
rail to 65 million tonnes by 2010.
The Dutch transport plan is based on the Ev aluat io n o f D utc h t ranspo rt polic y attainment of a sustainable society, whichrequires meeting the needs of the present In September 1992, the Ministry of without compromising future generations to Transport, Public Works and Water meet their own needs. The main features of Management published its first annual the plan include reducing total mobility; evaluation of the Second Transport Structure increasing the share of rail; promoting public Plan, which was subsequently updated in1993, 1994 and 1995. The reports cover four Table 1: Modal split for passenger transport, based on passenger kilometres (1992)*
main themes of the Transport Plan: mobility;accessibility; environmental protection and support measures. Based on the SVV2, the Ministry has developed a set of indicators to measure the progress towards the attainment of traffic and transport targets and to outline future scenarios. With time, availability of data and the improvement of indicators, a 1 1991 estimates. *Excluding cycling and walking within national borders. Source: Ministry of Transport, 1996a more accurate understanding of progresstowards the attainment of policy targets and Table 2: Modal spilt for freight transport, based on weight carried (1992)*
the effectiveness of policy instruments can be Inland navigation gained (Ministry of Transport, 1996b).
Mo bilit y The Dutch have set a target to limit the expec ted growth of a 70% increase in vehicle kilometres to 35% by 2010 compared to *National and international transport, excluding transit.Source: Ministry of Transport, 1996a 1986. To measure progress towards thistarget the total number of personal vehiclekilometres were calculated for working days.
During the period 1988-1991 there has been alimited growth in the number of personalvehicle kilometres, which is in line withSVV2 policy. The 1994 intermediate target(index 125) has more or less b een met.
However, it is expected that the intermediatetarget for the year 2000 (index 130) will notbe met. For the use of the bicycle, an increaseof 30% has been set for the year 2010compared to 1986. The number of kilometrestravelled by bicycle since 1989 have beenstable and a rise is expected in the future.
The implementation of the Bicycle MasterPlan (Ministry of Transport, 1992b), toincrease the number of kilometres travelledby bicycle, and the promotion of car freecities and towns, will enable the long-termtarget to be met.
Acc ess ibili t yFor main strategic roads a norm of a 2%chance of the probability of congestion perjourney has been set, with a 5% norm for allother roads. This means that no more than Haq & Bolhuis: Dutch Transport 2% of all vehicles on a particular road during dioxide emissions when compared to Policy: From Rhetoric to Reality.
a working day should be subject to delays in passenger transport. The emission of CO 2 World Transport Policy & Practice traffic. Delays are defined as slow driving from freight transport has increased by 39% traffic or traffic where there is little in the period 1986-1993 compared to an movement. The indicators used to measure increase of 15.6% from personal car progress towards these targets are that part of the main road where the chance of The target for noise emissions is to congestion is more than 2% and 5%. These maintain the number of main roads with norms are not being achieved on a large noise levels more that 50 dB(A) at 1986 number of roads and at present the SVV2 levels. There has been a 9% increase in the target will not be met.
number of roads exposed to noise levels of For public transport the price differential more than 50 dB(A). However, since 1992 the between public transport and the (private) number has stabilised. It is expected, motor vehicle should be in favour of public therefore, that progress is being made in the transport. The cost of pub lic transport is direction of this target.
presently higher than the cost of usingprivate transport and it is unclear whetherthe price differential in the future can be F reig ht t ranspo rt improved to the advantage of public A number of targets have been directed at freight transport and have dealt with theefficiency and the mov ement of freight by Environmental protection road and water. One target aims to limit the Environmental targets include a 20% growth in freight kilometres by road to 40% reduction in emissions of Nitrogen oxides by the year 2010. Although progress has be (NO ) and hydrocarbon (HCs) from road made towards this target, it is expected that transport by 1995 and a 75% reduction by with an increase in economic growth in 2010, compared to 1986. The target for Europe, more freight kilometres will be Carbon dioxide (CO ) emissions from road travelled and existing policy will not enable traffic is to stabilise emissions at 1989/90 the target to be reached.
levels by 1995 and reduce emissions by 10% The development of railways in the Netherlands is being implemented as Provisional figures for NO emissions from envisaged. By 2010 freight by rail is expected road traffic suggest that the 1995 target of a to rise to 50 billion tonnes per year. A 20% reduction will not be met. In fact, an significant rise in the amount of freight increase of 10 index points past this target is transported by rail occurred in 1994 and this expec ted. The main contribution to the continued into 1995. This increase in rail reduction of NO emissions has been the freight will enable the intermediate target, to increase in the use of catalytic converters.
transport 20 million tonnes by rail by the However, any benefits derived from this year 2000, to be reached after a re- technical fix have been offset by an increase organisation of the Dutch Railways Cargo in the number of kilometres travelled. While Company. However, it is still unclear the NO emissions from passenger transport whether the 2010 target will be met.
have been decreasing, the growth in vehicle The target for freight transport is to kilometres within the freight sector has increase inland navigation to 370 million increased NO emissions.
tonnes by 2010. Since 1990 the amount of A fall in the emissions of hydrocarbons freight transported by inland navigation has has enabled the 1995 target to be met earlier declined and a return to 1986 levels can only than expected, in 1991. The main be reached in 1998. It is expected that this contribution to the reduction in the target will not be achieved.
emissions of hydrocarbons has occurred forboth passenger and freight transport with thegreatest reduction seen in passenger F ro m rhet oric t o realit y The rhetoric of Dutch transport policy for After an initial stabilisation, Carbon some factors has become reality. The dioxide emissions from motor vehicles have evaluation of Dutch transport policy has begun to rise. The 1995 target has not been shown that out of the total 36 targets, 18 met and a further 10% rise past this target is targets will be or are being met, 9 will not be or are not being met and for 7 targets it is not Freight transport has been responsible for clear whether the target will be met or not.
a large proportion of the increase in Carbon For 2 targets data are lacking and therefore it Haq & Bolhuis: Dutch Transport is not possible to come to a conclusion out by the plan as it considered that this Policy: From Rhetoric to Reality.
(Ministry of Transport, 1996b).
would jeopardise the competitive position of World Transport Policy & Practice The extent to which all the targets will be the D utch freight sec tor. Any action to reduce reached and maintained will be dependent the volume of freight traffic would need to be on the implementation of policy measures, taken at a European level in order to avoid monitoring programmes and the annual foreign freight vehicles replacing Dutch evaluation reports. Targets which have been vehicles. The NMP2 outlined the need to met or will be met inc lude the target to take a pro-active role within the European reduce emissions of hydrocarbons and the Union to promote greater integration of noise impact from roads, and the targets to environmental, transport, planning, increase the use of bicycles and public industrial and technology policies. At the transport. Among those not expected to be national level the Government will work in met are the targets to reduce the emissions of collaboration with the freight sector to make NO and CO , and the targets to reduce the a greater effort to achieve a more efficient, growth of vehicle kilometres travelled by car cleaner and quieter vehicle fleet; to change and freight transport.
the model spilt in favour of rail and inland The setting of national targets for traffic waterways; to increase transport efficiency and transport seem not to have restricted the and to improve driver behaviour (Ministry of Dutch c ontinuing with infrastructure Environment, 1994).
developments such as the extension ofSchiphol airport and the planned expansionof the A2 in the Amsterdam-Utrecht corridor.
Table 3 shows that after France, the The Dutch have outlined their commitment Netherlands had one of the highest increases to developing a more sustainable in road length over the period 1985-1993.
transportation system in a number of key This type of infrastructural expansion national policy documents. These have accommodates and encourages greater included a range of measures to reduce the mobility which ultimately leads to greater impact of transport on the environment and emissions of pollutants.
to achieve a more balanced modal split. A The freight sector plays an important role distinct policy framework has beendeveloped where transport, environmental Table 3: Total increase in road length (1985-1993)
and physical planning policies have been co-ordinated and integrated. These policies have attempted to address each aspect of the transport problem with measures to reduce mobility, e.g. via physical planning policy, improving accessibility and maintaining environmental quality. The setting of explicit objectives has given a clear direction to 1 Only the federal states in former West Germany. Source: Ministry of Transport, 1996a policy, with commitment being further statedin specific targets. The annual evaluation in the Dutch economy and it is this sector report of the transport plan shows that for where further action needs to be taken as some policy areas the rhetoric and policy has economic activity increases within the Single become reality, for targets have been met or European Market. The target to reduce freight progress is being made in the direction of the transportation by road will not be met with existing policy. Although there has been an The evaluation report highlights the increase in the amount of freight transported problems in achieving targets related to by rail, the amount of freight by inland freight transport and the need to take further navigation has declined. The freight sector is action. The main problem that the Dutch face responsible for the increasing amounts of concerns maintaining their position as a Nitrogen oxide and Carbon dioxide transport and distribution country and protecting the quality of the environment.
The Second National Environmental The development of the Single European Policy Plan (NMP2) was published in 1994.
Market is predicted to increase the The plan highlighted the difficulties which transportation of f reight over wide distances were being encountered in achieving the (European Commission, 1990) and, if present targets for the freight sector with existing trends continue, growth in freight transport policy. The tightening of existing policy to will pose significant problems for the Dutch control the volume of freight traffic was ruled environment. The growth in freight vehicle Haq & Bolhuis: Dutch Transport kilometres means that air quality targets for freight sector is an area in which the Dutch Policy: From Rhetoric to Reality.
Carbon dioxide and Nitrogen oxide emissions will need to prove their true commitment to World Transport Policy & Practice will not be met. The Dutch will therefore be the environment. The extent to which the required to implement stricter measures, Dutch will be willing to achieve all policy which may mean more fundamental changes targets will depend on the extent to which if all 36 targets are to be met. The they are willing to put env ironmental introduction of stricter measures may require interests above economic interests, in order certain transport developments (which have to achieve a sustainable transport system.
economic benefits) to be abandoned. The Commission of the European Communities (1990) Environmental Policy Plan. The Hague.
1992 , th e E nvironmental Dimension Task Force Ministry of Transport, Public Works and Water Report on the E nvironme nt and the Internal Management (1992a ) The Second Transport Market. CEC, Brussels.
Structure Plan. The Hague.
Haq, G. (1997) Towards Sustainable T ransport Ministry of Transport, Public Works and Water Planning: A comparison between B ritain and the Management (1992b) Bicy cle s Firs t: The Bicy cle Nether lands. Avebury Press, Aldershot.
Master Plan. The Hague.
Ministry of Housing, Spatial Pla nning and the Ministry of Transport, Public Works and Water Environment (1989) The National Environmental Management (1996a) An International Policy Plan. The Hague, Netherlands.
Comparative Study on Infr astructure. Sdu Ministry of Housing, Spatial Pla nning and the Publishers, The Hague.
Environment (1990) The National Environmental Ministry of Transport, Public Works and Water Policy Plan Plus. The Hague.
Management (1996 b) Beleidse ffectmeting Ver keer Ministry of Housing, Spatial Planning and en Ve rv oer : B eleids effectrapp ortage 1 995 . The Environment (1994) The Se cond National Urban Transport and Equity: the case of São Paulo Eduardo A. Vasconcello sAssociação Nacional dos Transportes Públicos - ANTPRua Augusta 1626, 01304-902 São Paulo, BrazilFax: 55 11 2538095 Email: Th e cur r e ncy us e d is th e by a person in a certain period of time.
Accessibility can therefore be seen as Urban transport provision, accident rates and something broader than mobility itself accessibility in São Paulo varies (Moseley et al., 1977), as the mobility to have tremendously with income, g ender and age.
access to desired destinations (Portugalli, Sustainable transport modes are marginalised and high externalities are borne by society. A Efficiency relates to the ease to use complete overhaul and reassessment of transport modes and can be translated by priorities is required to achieve equity in some conditions as the time to have access to the vehicle and the speed of travelling. Thequality of the overall travelling conditionwill also be a part of the accessibility quality.
Safety refers to the probability of getting São Paulo, access, mobility, equity.
involved in a accident and the nature of itsconsequenc es. Safety depends on people(age, experience) and vehicle characteristics (size, weight, body structure) as well as TRANSPORT conditions vary remarkably user's behaviour (path, speed), highway among people from different social groups conditions (pavement, signing) and and classes, depending on several social, environmental conditions (pattern of cultural, economic and political conflicts ).
characteristics. In developing countries, Environmental quality relates mainly to profound differences among people make the quality of air and to the circulation transport conditions even more disparate.
environment. It depends on the level of Urban transport conditions may be concentration of pollutants such as carbon analysed in many ways. I propose that the monoxide and particulate matter, and also on best way to approach the problem is asking the quality of the living space, as translated key questions about equity and transport: by the compatibility between passing traffic • how accessibility is distributed in space? and the use of the streets by residents and • how people, social groups and classes may The distribution of these five • which are the relative conditions characteristics among people is highly concerning efficiency, safety and skewed in urban areas of developing environmental quality? countries. Social and economic, individual • who produces and who suffers the effects and family conditions, along with of transport externalities? characteristics of land use and transport The understanding of accessibility requires supply lead to different forms of using the first an analysis of personal mobility. By the space, which in turn lead to different strict technical point of view, mobility is patterns of transport quality. Actual represented by the quantity of trips made by conditions can then be related to individual a person, which is related to characteristics characteristics and behaviour, to policy such as gender, age and income. Althoug h decisions concerning urban and transport relevant, it is insufficient, once it does not infrastructure and to social and economic take into account the spatial and time characteristics of every society.
constraints of activities (Hägerstrand, 1987).
A subsequent question relates to transport Vasconcellos: Urban Transport In this respect, the broader concept of externalities. Externalities can be broadly and Equity: the case of São Paulo accessibility can be used, as the quantity and defined as those effects impacting on others World Transport Policy & Practice4/1 [1998] 9 - 20 diversity of destinations that can be reached without compensation. In a more rigorous Vasconcellos: Urban Transport definition, external effects can be said to activity analysis (Fox, 1995). It explores and Equity: the case of São Paulo occur when an actor or receptor utility general travel patterns and has no statistical World Transport Policy & Practice function "contains a real variable whose 4/1 [1998] 9 - 20 actual value depends on the behaviour ofanother actor (the supplier), who does nottake these effects of his behaviour into So c ial analy si s o f t ranspo rt account in his decision making process" (Verhoef, 1994, pp. 274). Most studies deal The use of household survey data for social with three main externalities - congestion, purposes requires the adoption of indicators pollution and accidents - and some include other than the traditional ones. These other social, less tangible effects. In the case indicators reveal some important features of of congestion, the direct effect is extra travel transportation, especially in relation to the time, as caused by automobile drivers with social and economic characteristics of users respect to other drivers, between them and and the distribution of accessibility. This is buses and between motorised vehicles and very important in developing countries, pedestrians. In the case of developing where transport conditions vary widely countries - as will be analysed ahead - one of among social groups. Several indicators the most severe effects is that caused by the which may be derived from household automobiles on b us travel times. With survey data are proposed below: accidents, the main effect is injury, suffering • Mobility: refers to the number of trips and/or death. Main externalities occur made by a person, which is related to between motorised vehicles and pedestrians - personal (age, gender, income, level of especially between automobiles and scholarship, placement in the job market) pedestrians - with consequences varying and family characteristics (number of according to the c omposition of traffic and people, income, number of automobiles); average speed of vehicles. With pollution, the corresponding (opposite) indicator is the m ain effect is health damage to people.
immobility, expressed as the percentage of Externalities occur between those conduc ting people not making trips and their relevant motorised vehicles and all people using the traffic system.
Accessibility: the possibility of arriving at Less tangible effects can also be analysed, desired destinations, which is related to as with the organisation of the circulation their spatial and time characteristics (e.g., space and its correspondent impacts on hours of operation). Accessibility may also social relations. Traffic can deeply affect be represented by total travel time them, as people are forced to change their between origin and destination, using behaviour to adapt to new conditions simple or generalised cost concepts of (Appleyard, 1981). For practical reasons, the travel time.
paper considers only travel time, pollution • Diversity: the quality of destinations that and accidents.
may be reached in a period of time; The task is to analyse transport and traffic reflects the lifestyle as well as actual data to verify how these conditions are accessibility in the face of economic and distributed and relate conclusions to society's characteristics. One of the best ways • Productivity: the number of activities/ of making such analysis is to study destinations that may be reached in a household surveys, explore social period of time, ref lecting the average characteristics, and examine travel and space speed of movement.
budget figures. The technique intends to • Cost: monetary and/or time costs implied replace or complement the available in using transport modes.
methodologies for trip behaviour, based • Space consumption: space used by a solely on the analysis of individual trips, person while travelling, reflecting the according to the traditional four-step consumption of a public asset (street).
modelling process. Few studies are available • Safety: relative danger while using streets, for developing countries' conditions (Roth according to the role played in traffic.
and Zahavi, 1981; Dimitriou and Banjo, • Environmental quality: exposure (and 1983) and this analysis of São Paulo intends contribution) to air pollution while to fulfil part of the gap in the available information. The study also intends to • Comfort: average space available inside contribute to a sociological and geographical the vehicles used to travel.
approach to the urban transport problem, as atheoretical development in the field of Table 1: Household characteristics
The São Paulo st udy The analysis of the São Paulo data was income $ (1) performed using the 1987 household Origin - motorised trips Destination (OD) survey conducted every ten years since 1967. The survey is performed in the entire metropolitan area, encompassing around 25,000 household interviews, among an universe of three million households.
Some characteristics of the survey must be (1) One Brazilian minimum wage was approximately $60 in 1987.
• Trip data refers to all persons living in the household (including employees in highincome households) and their travel Table 2 - Gender and mobility
activities in the 24 hour periodimmediately before the interview day Income level Mobility rates (trips/person/day) (workable days only); • All trips are registered, except pedestrian trips less than 500 metres long.
The available data were processed in order to yield several rates and figures. Basic data derive from the OD report (CMSP, 1988) and subsequent computations (Vasconcellos andScatena, 1996). All figures relate to themetropolitan area, except those from trafficaccidents. The most important for the paperare summarised below.
Table 3 - Immobility and income
General household data and mobility rates Income level Immobility (%) Table 1 shows that mobility rates increase with income, as attested by several transportation studies (Zahavi, 1976). For all trips, the ratio between the highest and the lowest income levels is 1:2, a value that increases to almost 1:4 when just motorised trips are considered. When males and females are considered separately (table 2),male mobility is always higher than female,and both increase with income, again Table 4 : Mobility rate and trip purpose (mobile persons)
consistent with findings of other studies Income level trips/mobile person/day (1) (Roth and Zahavi, 1981). In respect to immobility, the percentage of people not travelling is higher among women, in all income levels. The level of immobility decreases with income, especially in the case of men (table 3). This relates to the percentage of people making work/business (1) Excluding home-returning trips trips: it is always higher in the case of men,and increases with income (from 34% in thefirst income level to 64% in the last one, asopposed to a 15% to 42% increase for Table 5: Transport mode and income
Income level Trips (%) by transport mode Public (1) Private (2) Tra vel pa t t erns Working and business trips per mobile person increase remarkably with income (table 4). School, medical and shopping trip rates seem to remain constant, despite presenting small increases at the higher (1) bus, trolleybus, train, metro; (2) car, taxi, school bus, truck; income levels. Leisure trips per mobile Vasconcellos: Urban Transport person increase sharply in the two upper correspond to short distances in all income and Equity: the case of São Paulo income levels.
levels, however average values decrease as World Transport Policy & Practice income increases.
4/1 [1998] 9 - 20 Trip m o de A very important observation is that space Trip mode varies remarkably with income, as consumption with public means ceases to be stressed in many transportation studies.
dominant somewhere b etween levels IV and Public transport and foot trips are dominant V. Therefore, roughly speaking, lev els IV and in low income households, while private V are the social sectors for whom automobile transport dominates in level IV and V. In transport is essential.
addition, motorised trips (public and private)are dominant in all levels but level I (table 5).
Travel speedsTotal travel time between origin and Time and space budgets destination varies markedly among motorised Time consumed travelling is shown in table modes; the automobile being the f astest 6. Total average time per person varies with mode, due both to its higher speed and income, which is different from other studies longer distances corresponding to part of (Zahavi, 1976; Goodwin, 1981). Total travel pub lic transport trips. Access time to time per mobile person presents instead low vehicles also shows remarkable differences, due to the availability of parking space f or In respect to space budgets, as the OD automobiles and the need to walk longer survey did not include distances, figures for distances to get to transit stops (table 9).
motorised trips were estimated using By combining the figures for space and coordinates, as areal values between zone time consumption rates for mobile persons, centroids. For pedestrians trips, distances one can arrive at the average daily speeds.
were estimated using declared walking times The computation shows that while people and considering an average pedestrian speed from the lowest income level travels at 7.5 of 4 km/h. Table 7 shows first that space km/h (including time walking and waiting), consumed by a household presents marked people from the highest income level achieve changes with income. Part of these changes speeds of 11.4 km/h, a value 53% higher.
could be explained by the different number Despite this large difference, door-to-door of persons per household (it is higher at the speed of auto users is still low, due to the higher income levels - see table 1), but it is time consumed parking and walking. That is also explained by a higher activity level: why Ivan Illich (Illich, 1974) reminded us space consum ed per person increases that today's automotive technology is no steadily with income. Space consumed by better than the bicycle! mobile people presents less pronounced The same pattern holds when just work/ increases. Finally, space consumed per trip business trips are considered, that is, higher seems to be invariant, around 5 km per trip.
income people travel much faster than low However, when just motorised trips are income people (table 10). In this case, it has considered, distances decrease as income to be emphasised that corresponding increases, as figures are influenced by the distances decrease with income, with high proportion of pedestrian trips in the maximum differences around 20%. When lowest income levels.
pub lic transport is considered separately, Space consumption by mode was income also plays an important role: people computed for public transport, private from the poorest households spend 50% transport and foot. In the first two cases, more time walking to the transit stop than distances consumed inside the vehicle were those from the wealthier households. The estimated by subtracting estimated walking final effect of all transport-related difficulties distances from the areal total distances.
for captive public transport users is that a Space consumption by mode presents similar long journey outside home is inevitable. This patterns with respect to trip mode is aggravated in peripheral areas: in 1985, in distribution (see table 5) - public modes and the São Paulo eastern zone, 78% of people foot trips being dominant in low income spent more than 12 hours outside home to levels - but with different weights, related to cope with work and travel times (Pacheco, the introduction of distance as a measure of consumption (table 8). Hence, in level I,76.4% of the space is consumed through C o m fo rt motorised public transport modes, while in To this inferior initial condition regarding level V, 68.8% of the space consumption is overall accessibility, one has to add the bus made by private transport modes. Foot trips loading conditions, which often hinders Table 6 - Time budget by mode and income
people from boarding at the desired time andimposes extremely unc omfortable trips.
Income level Time budget (minutes/person/day) Mobile persons Overcrowded vehicles are a daily reality in almost every developing country (Dimitriou, 1990; U.N., 1989). In São Paulo, as in other large Brazilian cities, bus services are planned assuming an occupancy rate of 7 passengers/m2 in the peak hour, whichfrequently leads to highly uncomfortableconditions: all private companies providing Table 7: Space budgets and average trip distances
bus transport in 1984 had a large percentage Income level General rates of people travelling under unacceptable km/person km/mobile person conditions in the peak hour. Some companies had up to 84% of the passeng ers in this condition. Average conditions have not changed too much so far.
The number of daily trips for every mode, in every income level, was multiplied by thefare of that mode. For simplifying purposes, Table 8: Space consumption by mode (all persons)
pub lic transport trips were taken as if all Income level Space consumption (km/person/day) were made by bus (the dominant mode).
Daily expenses were c onverted to monthlyfigures considering that there are 26 equivalent days in the month (22 days at 100% expense, 4 days - Saturdays - at the 70% expense-lev el and 4 days - Sundays - at the 30% expense-level). For cars, a $0.25 cost per kilometre was assumed, considering thatthe average car travels 20,000 km per year, Table 9: Access time and travel conditions for motorised transportation
gasoline price is $0.80 per litre, energyperformance is 7 k m/litre, depreciation is Access time (1) in minutes Travel time (2) in minutes $120 per month and maintenance is $75 per month. In this case, it is important to remember that figures reflect just the urban costs of using the automobile and not those related to inter-city travel which may (1) walking (one-way); (2) from origin to destination; contribute to a large portion of total costs. Itis important to note that figures reflec t 1987costs. These differ significantly from current Table 10: Average travel time to work/business trips.
conditions which followed long lasting Income level Travel time (1) in minutes inflationary processes, the implementation ofseveral economic plans and considerable changes to relative prices in the economy.
The net amount of money increases remarkably with income, especially when the automobile becomes an important mode of transportation (table 11). However, the participation of total expenses with respectto income shows an opposite tendency.
Among those mostly dependent on public Table 11: Expenses with transportation as percentage of household income.
transport, expenses with this mode average Income level Monthly costs/house ($) % of house monthly income 23% of monthly income at the lower income level and 16% at the second level up. These percentages are much higher than the 6% limit established by Brazilian laws concerning the ‘travel voucher' (a special pub lic transport ticket purchased by the employer and delivered to the employee: the Table 12: Circulation space according to income and mode.
em ployer is allowed to discount the costfrom the em ployee's salary, up to a lim it of Income level Population (million) Space used by mode (million km/day) The collective use of space was estim ated using actual distances by m ode - public, private and foot. The m otorised portion of pub lic transport and autom obile trips were estim ated by subtracting the pedestrianised portion of the trip, according to the traveltim e declared by respondents (and Table 13: Use of space by automobiles according to income.
considering a walking speed of 4 km /h).
Table 12 shows that circulation space is Income level Population (%) Space used (%) with automobile appropriated m ainly throug h public transport m odes (63%). Autom obiles are responsible for about 30% of the consum ption, while walking accounts for 7%. This latter fig ure is underestim ated, because walking trips less than 500 m etre long are not com puted.
As with other studies, the use of c ars is Table 14: Personal space consumption according to income and mode.
hig hly related to incom e (table 13). Table 13shows that the two upper incom e levels Income level km x m2/person/day, per mode account for 24.5% of population and 58% ofautom obile-consum ed space.
Finally, the use of space taking account of the area occupied by people m ay be derived from the data. When linear distances are translated into physical areas occupied per person, differences in space consum ptionappear clearly. Considering that autom obilespresent an occ upancy rate of 1.5 and occupy Table 15: Traffic accidents in São Paulo, 1991.
about 7 m 2, averag e consum ption is 4.6 m 2 Vehicle occupants per person. The sam e com putation for buspasseng ers yield an averag e daily value of 1.0 m 2 per person ( averag e daily bus occupancy of 30 people and static area of 30 m 2) and a peak-hour value of 0.6 m 2 per person (1) Fatalities/injured (severity rate). Source: CET (1992).
(occupancy of 50 people). W hen distancesare taken into account, differences in space Table 16: Use of transport modes and relative accident risk, RMSP, 1987.
consum ption are hig h (table 14).
In addition, space consum ption oc curs Transport mode km/day (%) also for parked autom obiles. Am ong the daily 4.7 m illion parking operations in the city in 1987, 1.5 m illion were free kerbside parking , representing a direct consum ption of 11m illion m 2 (7 m 2 per vehicle). I f we c onsider 1 assumes that values for the city of São Paulo may be appli ed to th e metropolitan area.
a conservative fig ure of an averag e two-hour 2 bus occupant fatalities are not indicated by current statistics but are known to be very rare.
3 considers only pedestrian trips longer than 500 metres.
parking tim e, the final free consum ption Source: CET (1992).
reaches the 22 m illion m 2 x hour level.
Table 17: Relative emissions of carbon monoxide per person, 1987.
Safety and environm ental issues Income level grams of CO/person/day Brazil presents som e of the hig hest traffic transport mode public transport private transport accident fig ures in the developing world (Vasconcellos, 1996). São Paulo is no exception, where m ore than 2,500 people die each year in traffic, m ost of them pedestrians (table 15). When total distances are taken into account, relative accident risks appear Vasconcellos: Urban Transport very different according to the transport Average distance per trip presents low and Equity: the case of São Paulo mode used: despite corresponding to 7% of variation, however when walking trips are World Transport Policy & Practice daily kilometres, pedestrians account for excluded, distances decrease as income 4/1 [1998] 9 - 20 60% of traffic fatalities (table 16).
increases. Travel time for working trips When carbon monoxide emissions are decreases remarkably as income increases.
computed for bus and automobile use, Hence, upper income people consume aggregate emissions present sharp differences much more space than lower income people: among income levels (table 17).
while very poor households consume 6.5 kmper day per person (76% by publictransport), very rich households consume 17.2 km per day per person (69% by car).
This raises important equity concerns related to who pays and who benefits from road As with most studies, there is a positive relationship between income and mobility, Considering the use of the automobile to with higher income levels presenting higher consume space, levels IV and V are those for mobility per person. Differences are very whom most of the space is consumed high, despite social and economic primarily by using cars. On a metropolitan discrepancies among social strata. In scale, they account for almost 25% of people, addition, males are more mobile than which means that 75% of households still females, and this is related to different rely mainly on public transport and walking employment rates according to gender and to to consume most of the space.
the division of tasks in the household.
Consequently, implicit overall speeds (door to door) also vary remarkably among Trip Purposes and Modes income levels: while upper income sectors go There is a positive relationship between from origins to destinations at an overall income and diversity of trips, with high average speed around 11 km/h, lower income income levels being involved in more sectors do so at 7.5 km/h.
activities other than work/schooling (e.g.
leisure). Public transport use decreases, and private transport use increases remarkably Monthly expenses with urban trips increase with income. Walking trips are present in all sharply with income, as a result both of income levels, more noticeably in lower higher mobility levels and the use of more levels. All conclusions are again consistent expensive modes such as the automobile.
with the previously mentioned studies.
However, the proportion of travel expensesin relation to household income decreases as Individual and Household Consumption of income increases (from 24% to 13%). At the two lowest income levels, for whom public Daily travel time per person varies from 52 transport is essential, expenses with public minutes to 81 minutes, however they seem to modes far exceed the 6% limit implied in remain constant around 75 to 80 minutes for Brazilian laws concerning the provision of income classes III to V, when the use of the travel vouchers by employers. This is related automobile is already very important.
also to the use of public modes by Corresponding values per mobile person unemployed people and by people working appears to b e constant (about 110 minutes).
at the informal labour market (where such Space consumed daily by households laws do not apply), and to travel purposes increases remarkably with income, from a other than working.
minimum of 21 km to a maximum of 63 km(200% increase). Corresponding figures per Collective Use of Space person present the same pattern, despite The circulation space is primarily consumed being less pronounced (165% increase).
(linear distances) by using public transport Figures per mobile person also increase with modes (63%). Automobile-consumed space income, but much less steadily, from a accounts for 30% of total consumption while minimum of 13 km to a maximum of 20 km space consumed by walking represents just (54% increase). These sharp differences 7%. In a city where pedestrians account for reveal distinct strategies to use space, 60% of traffic fatalities (CET, 1992), this according to specific social and economic latter figure attests the implicit violence in conditions faced by people. They can be using road space. When linear distances are assumed to reflect the profound social translated into physical areas occupied per differences inside Brazilian society.
person, sharp differences appear: high Vasconcellos: Urban Transport income people use 8 times more street space and Equity: the case of São Paulo than low income people, implying important • Distances and transport mode: distances World Transport Policy & Practice equity concerns.
per motorised trip are 45% higher for the 4/1 [1998] 9 - 20 poor, reflecting higher distances between Transport Conditions of the Poor home and final destinations (mostly work When all data are taken into account, it is sites). The poorest travel 76% of the possible to assess transport conditions faced distances using public transport, while the by poor people in São Paulo. For the richest travel 69% of the distances using purposes of this paper, the two lowest income groups described in the above tables • Expenses with transport: the poorest (income up to $480 in 1987) are considered spend 23.4% of their income on ‘poor', (this corresponds to 49% of total transportation, as opposed to 12.9% for • Safety: more than 60% of traffic fatalities • Mobility: lower income people make half are pedestrians. Considering that low the number of trips compared to high income people walk much more than high income people (all trips), and from four to income people, it is possible to say that three times less if only m otorised trips are the minority using cars affect the majority considered. Males are more mobile (as happens in all income groups); • Pollution: poor households throw into the • Immobility: persons not making outside atmosphere twelve times less carbon trips correspond to more than 50% in the monoxide per day than high income lowest income level (57% of the female population), as opposed to 24% in the • Comfort: poor people face mostly highest (33% of the female population); uncomfortable conditions, due to frequent • Travel purposes: the lower mobility of the overcrowding of buses and suburban poor translates mainly into less work/ business, shopping and leisure trips thanthose of the higher income strata; • Transport modes: people from the poorest Ho w c urrent co ndit io ns were c reat ed households use much more public Current conditions were created by the transport (with corresponding walking conjunction of policy and individual trips) than wealthier people; decisions. The way the space is organised • Time budgets: time devoted to travel and the conditions offered to use transport among the poor who make outside trips is modes influence individual choices. For similar to that of all other people; those pertaining to low income groups, however, when all persons in the pub lic transport becomes the single option.
household are considered, corresponding For those with better economic conditions, travel times are muc h lower than that of the decision to use automobiles intensively higher income groups, reflecting less occurs as a consequence of the relative ease activity and less people making outside of access to it, coupled to the relative disadvantages of using public transport.
• Speeds: people using public transport In developing countries in general - and in spend much more time getting to the Brazil in particular - transport and traffic vehicle and travelling through the streets.
policies, coupled to economic and social For work trips, people from the poorest policies, have crystallised remarkable households spend 70% more time differences between those with and without travelling than those of the higher income access to private transport. Most decisions had a common objective: to adapt space to • Space budgets: people in lower income the use of the automobile for selected social households travel three times less linear groups. The incentive to the automobile, distances per day than those in higher coupled to the maintenance of poor income households. Daily distances per conditions for public transport, rendered the mobile person are 35% lower between the automobile irreplaceable for middle class two income extremes. When average in- sectors (Vasconcellos, 1997a). Class divisions vehicle space is considered (according to were reinforced in the streets, as society was the specific t ransport mode used), the total divided into two separate groups - those daily roadway area consumed by the relying on public transport and those poorest households is more than eight providing for their private transport.
times smaller than that of the richest Current inequitable conditions were Vasconcellos: Urban Transport generated through a series of policy also pay an annual property fee which varies and Equity: the case of São Paulo regionally. In the state of São Paulo, the World Transport Policy & Practice wealthiest in the country, the fee is about 4/1 [1998] 9 - 20 Infrastructure Provision $300. Annual costs (for those who do pay the The dominance of the automobile was taxes) can then reach the $400 level, which is supported by the myth that road investments about 3% of the vehicle's market value.) are made in the public interest. Largeeconomic resources were applied in roadway expansion based on the myth that roads Abusive consumption of street space by would be evenly shared by all. However, the automobile users was facilitated following mere provision of streets does not mean that the liberal concept of indiscriminate use of people will be transported: if public private property. The mere possession of a transport is not made accessible for all, then vehicle gave owners the right to use streets at streets are just private means of consumption will, without any consideration about social awarded to selec ted groups, but construc ted costs and externalities. This overconsumption and maintained with pub lic resources. This occurred both dynamically (circulating) and is dramatically shown by the sharp statically (parked on public space) and was differences in space consumption according directly supported by large resources to income (see tables 8 and 14). Often, the directed to improve overall traffic conditions myth of roads as public assets is in the city (Vasconcellos 1997b). Meanwhile, accompanied by explicit condemnation of few effective priority measures were applied transit subsidies as heretical and by to bus operations, even though most kerbside continuous pressure to make public transport bus lanes implemented in the 1980s had systems survive on their own - which often little effect on average speeds (CET, 1982).
implies overcrowded buses and low Even important bus corridors - like the Santo frequency services - while the hidden Amaro/9 de Julho convoy system - were subsidies to automobiles remain untouched.
progressively abandoned, losing most of theinitial benefits. Large resources were applied Access to Public Transport to increase road capacity for automobiles, The persistent poverty of most people, while leaving buses to their own fate, coupled to an often rigid market approach to struggling for road space. A s a consequence, the supply of public transport, generated a buses continued to lose any reputation of permanent conflict between accessibility, reliability, and their patronage.
fare level and business profitability. As aconsequenc e, supply is permanently subject to instability (White, 1990; Figueroa, 1991) In developing countries, contrary to and spatial and time coverage are often widespread beliefs, accidents do not result limited by the need to ensure profitable primarily from lack of education, generalised operation, leading to long walking and disorder or bad vehicle maintenance. They waiting times. Another effect is the tendency result mostly from the inherently dangerous to dilapidation of the fleet, with direct environment which was generated by the impacts on passeng er comfort and safety as appropriation of space to the needs of well as on the availability of v ehicles for automobile users. The paving or creation of daily operation.
grid-pattern, wide streets and roads crossingdensely used pedestrian spaces, coupled to Access to Private Transport deep political differences among social Private transport was made accessible to groups and classes (which translates into selected sectors - the new middle classes different was of using space) and to the created by the income concentration process absence of ef fective enforcement and justice, which characterised Brazilian economic rendered space in developing countries a development. Access was facilitated through very efficient accident-production bank credit and the organisation of v ehicle environment. As stated previously, most consortia, where people belonging to a group fatalities are pedestrians. This is aggravated paid monthly instalments in order to have a by the contradiction between formal traffic car. The possession and use of the education and actual conditions on streets, automobile was also facilitated by extremely once disrespect for traffic laws and lack of low license and insurance taxes (about $100 punishment are the rule.
a year), plenty of free parking space onstreets and often low gasoline prices (currently, about $0.80 a litre). (Auto owners As a result of both excessive use of Vasconcellos: Urban Transport automobiles and automobile-generated A lt ernat iv e ac tio ns and Equity: the case of São Paulo congestion, emissions of air pollutants are Although some problems lie beyond the World Transport Policy & Practice high. In addition, automobile emissions for a 4/1 [1998] 9 - 20 scope of transport policies (e.g., persistent long time were uncontrolled, although legal poverty), many actions can support the limits introduced just ten years ago are creation of a more equitable and efficient starting to produce results. Finally, control of space. The inequities and externalities which on-street emissions remains nonexistent, occur in São Paulo, as well as in most large except for diesel trucks and buses ( Cetesb, cities of the developing world, can be altered 1994) which, because they emit the most only if the use of space is politically visible pollution, easily attract public and contested and hence urban, transport and media attention.
traffic policies are changed fundamentally.
Despite the persistence of unbalanced power Policy Disco-ordination relations within society, there is a clear Most agencies in charge of policies emergence of movements intended to influenc ing transport conditions act promote real changes, mostly based on the independently, with loose hierarchical or expec tation about improving quality of life.
legal linkages. The problem is especially The reorganisation of urban transport has severe with respect to land use and its to be pursued to ensure a more equitable, impacts on transport demand, and with safe, convenient and comfortable respect to the relationship between agencies appropriation of space. The basis to redefine in charge of public transport and traffic. In the use of the street shall be the commitment the case of São Paulo, the disconnection to preserve safety, improve quality of life and between these agencies helped to keep b us ensure proper operating conditions for public traffic at very low levels of service. At the and non-motorised transport modes. The metropolitan scale the problem is even central point for this reorganisation is the worse, once state and local authorities questioning of abuse by the automobile and conflict on how to manage common the conseq uent imposition of new criteria for dividing public space. This does not mean toabolish automobile technology but rather to The Crisis of the State control it within acceptable limits related to In addition to these factors, the urban concerns about equity and quality of life.
transport problem has been aggravated Within the large set of alternative actions, recently by the state's economic difficulties the most important are those that would and the corresponding attempt to either reorganise space in order to respec t the rights deregulate or privatise transport services. At of the majority, as follows: the institutional side, the state seems to beleaving aside its primary planning role, Infrastructure Provision relying on the supposed capability of the Public resources have to be used to provide private sector to assume financial risks and circulation space for the majority. This planning tasks. There is an implicit requires priority allocation to public assumption that the market and the private transport and pedestrian traffic. All-purpose sector can replace the state in ensuring major roads are often needed in fast growing adequate transport services. On the ec onomic environments like those of developing side, the fiscal crisis hinders support to countries. However they should be provided efficient public transport systems and to as part of comprehensive road planning distributive social policies. Large transport efforts that respect the needs of the majority infrastructures, which rely on public to efficient transport, especially public and investment, are becoming less feasible and non-motorised transportation. All subsidies to special groups are subjected to investments on roads should be carefully increasing opposition. The crisis is also analysed to determine the real beneficiaries.
related to the continued pov erty of most of Part of the resources that seem to be lacking the population, which prevents people from for public transport will appear if road having access to convenient pub lic transport.
investments are scrutinised.
Both problems are sustaining an ongoingcrisis in the supply of adequate public The Use of the Street transport modes and consequently have been The highway and street systems are supporting transport deregulation and collective assets, to be shared by all. No one privatisation proposals. However, transport has the right to circulate at will, regardless of conditions continue to be inadequate.
others' needs and interests. No one can be Vasconcellos: Urban Transport allowed to misuse this collective asset, speeding up sentenc ing procedures; and Equity: the case of São Paulo simply because of an alleged need to have • reorganising traffic education to supersede World Transport Policy & Practice access to motorised transportation. The use the contradiction between theory and 4/1 [1998] 9 - 20 of these systems shall therefore be defined practice which renders education according to priorities given to the most nonsensical. Education will be socially numerous and vulnerable roles, which in valuable only when the circulation space developing countries are indisputably the is capable of mirroring the priority given pedestrian, the cyclist and the public in the law to the most vulnerable roles.
transport passenger. This need not entail Education will be effective and eliminating private transport, but will require meaningful only when people feel that submitting it to other's needs and interests.
proper behaviour will be rewarded and Direct restrictions can be raised through improper behaviour will be punished; traffic management measures and indirect • protect pedestrians from automobiles restrictions may be raised by compensating through a series of physical and costs and externalities imposed by operational measures, mainly those minor automobile owners to society through physical adaptations to increase overall economic or f iscal measures, as in the case of safety conditions: the building and parking fees, license taxes and road pricing.
enlargement of sidewalks, the narrowing However, it has to be acknowledged that of intersection approaches close to these restrictions, if properly applied, will pedestrian areas, the lighting of pedestrian inevitably have dramatic consequenc es for crosswalks, the building of intermediate those relying on private transport.
islands in large crosswalks, etc.; • protect collective living areas from undue Priority to Public Transport traffic by reorganising circulation. This Transport provision should be altered to can be accomplished initially at the ensure physical and operational conditions neighbourhood level throug h circulation so that public transport systems can provide plans discussed with local communities.
high levels of accessibility and achieve their These plans may be highly successful if maximum potential (e.g., maximum 5 they manage to profit from the recent, minutes walking and waiting times, and bus strong commitment to quality of life speeds about 20 km/h across the entire among the middle class; network). This requires reorganisation of • control automobile speed in the entire lines and bus stops, elimination of physical street system, either through direct barriers, provision of special signs and enforcement or physical barriers and signals and tough restrictions on illegal speed deterrents.
parking and loading and unloading activities.
Public transport and traffic departments should be united and daily traffic operation Air pollution problems can be minimised by should be organised around pedestrian and reducing total automobile emissions, pub lic transport needs, rather than solely increasing the share of public transport on private transport needs.
total trips and reducing the need formotorised transport. In the first case, major efforts have to be made to control vehicle The complexity of the problem requires that emissions, through legal and technological the issue receive priority attention, as the measures and the organisation of periodic most important environmentally related vehicle inspections. In the second and third aspect of transport in developing countries cases, improvements may be made by (Vasconcellos, 1997c). A series of measures combining several measures described above.
may be adopted (Goldsmith andVasconcellos, 1995): • reorganising enforcement by training a specialised force, changing the The analysis of distributive and equity issues enforcement logistics and providing in urban ground transportation requires a appropriate equipment. Enforcement proper understanding of actual transport actions should be directed mainly to conditions faced by people and especially of aggressions to pedestrians, speeding, the differences found among them. These drinking and driving, and poor differences are related primarily to maintenance of vehicles; individual characteristics, such as age, • reorganising the judicial system to ensure income, gender and level of formal the punishment of grave traffic offences by education. However, they also derive from Vasconcellos: Urban Transport the way urban and transport policies are two related approaches to transportation and Equity: the case of São Paulo designed and implemented.
infrastructure supply: while automobile World Transport Policy & Practice The analysis of current conditions in use is supported by the my th of road 4/1 [1998] 9 - 20 developing c ountries show that accessibility investment as a public interest, transit is deeply biased towards those with access to subsidies are considered unacceptable.
private transport (who enjoy access to amuch larger diversity of destinations and Therefore, the actual possibilities of change activities), as compared to low income rely on taking new approaches to equity and people. Conditions to use space are also distributive aspects of transportation supply.
highly biased, while safety, comfort and • First, a radical change in financing convenience vary remarkably between those transport infrastructures must be pursued: with and without access to private transport.
road investments should considerprimarily broad equity issues on who is Three important conclusions arise: paying and who is benefiting from them.
• First, poor transportation conditions are • Second, the use of the street should be mostly class-based: few people with radically transformed, to ensure priority to access to cars impose grave impacts on the most numerous and vulnerable roles.
others, such as delay to transit users, fatal In developing countries, this means traffic accidents and air pollution.
protecting pedestrians, cyclists and transit • Second, these effects are not compensated users, while restricting automobile use.
and remain as externalities created by the • Third, major efforts are required to unrestricted use of the automobile based improve safety for the most v ulnerable on the supposed right to mobility and roles and new legal and technological measures are needed to improve • Third, current conditions also derive from env ironmental quality.
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Washington, U.S.A.
Some Challenges for Israel and Palestine Yaakov GarbLady Davis post-doctoral Fellow, Geography Department, Hebrew University ofJerusalem. and researcher for the Floersheimer Institute for Policy Studies.
Address for Correspondence: Floersheimer Institute for Policy Studies, 9a DiskinStreet, Jerusalem 90440, Israel. Email: The ter minology used in Second, I focus on the relatively under- this article reflects the studied questions above. Thus, while current political flux and With the establishment of Palestine and the difficulties. Some of th e challenges for sustainable transport within continuing peace, there is a need to appraise Arabs who came under Jewish Israel are massive and fascinating Israeli rule in 19 48 pr efe r the transport infrastructure and policies of they have already received considerable to be called P alestinians, both countries. In particular, will Palestine treatment elsewhere (See for example: Gur, rather than Isr aeli Arabs, follow Israel along the road to mass thus high lighting the ir Cohen, and Zaaga, 1996; Solomon, Gur and motorisation or will it choose the path to historical and cultural Feitelson, 1996; Fletcher and Garb, 1998; affiliation. Yet, as th e sustainability? Will Israel realise the folly of Hashimshoni, 1998). My discussion of them likelihood of a Pale s tinian providing for private transport and seize this is therefore briefer than that of less examined state near s, ‘ Pale stinian' is unique opportunity? like ly to carry national challenges (the Arab sector within Israel, the connotations wh ich may emerging Palestinian state, bilateral and conflict with the se regional transport issues).
cultur al/his tor ical one s .
For this re ason, the author
Israel, Palestine, sustainability, peace ret ains the admitted lypr oble matic us age of I sraeli t ranspo rt at a cro ssro ad ‘Isr aeli Arabs ' for thos e Israel is at a transportation crossroad. Over within the Gre en Lines, the last decade or so, the country has been and Pales tinians for th osewho came unde r Is rae li PLANNING for environmentally sound embracing the kind of mass-motorisation rule in 1967. transport in Israel and Palestine faces major trends that other advanced countries are, uncertainty and challenges. As income levels belatedly, coming to regret and attempt to The comments of Je ss e and expectations rise, will planners be able reverse (Whitelegg, 1993; Wegener, 1997).
Roemer, Ben Is gur, Ph ilipWarburg , Ras sem Hamaise, to learn from - rather than replicate - the past The number of vehicles on the country's and Gidon Bromberg on transport mistakes of other parts of the roads is growing at 6-7 percent per year, this es say are gr atefully world? How will global transport trends play while use of public transport (primarily ackno w le d g ed . out in the region's unique spatial and diesel bus) is rapidly declining with eroding demographic circumstances? Can Arab prospects of rail taking up a substantial communities in Israel overcome their relative portion of this decline in the short to lack of resources to cater for their medium term. Land use is increasingly population's special needs and catering to and generating car-dependent circumstances through forward-looking lifestyles, in which travel to work, shopping, planning, or will their struggle for equality be and recreation involves large amounts of an attempt to join the general Israeli rush private car travel. Thus an increasing portion toward mass motorisation and car-dependent of transport is based on environmentally lifestyles? What kind of physical inefficient modes, with attempts to clean configuration, political constraints, and these up (through cleaner fuels and catalytic population are Palestinian transport planners converters) hampered by lack of enforcement to plan for? Will the reg ion continue to and maintenance, and swamped by other approximate an island in transport terms, or trends such as a wildfire shift to diesel cars will borders open, and with what transport and an ever-growing fleet.
All these trends fly in the f ace of the This essay reviews some of these aspirations of the emerging generation of questions with two emphases. First, through sustainable transport planning. This aims to all the sectors I examine runs the theme of reduce the total amount of travel required for technological leapfrogging: the opportunities satisfying lifestyles, to ensure that as much of Garb: Sustainable Transport: Somechallenges for Israel and Palestine for societies with still low car ownership this travel as possible is conduc ted on more World Transport Policy & Practice rates to learn from rather than repeat the environmentally-efficient modes (rather than 4/1 [1998] 21 - 29 mistakes of heavily motorised countries.
private cars), and to make sure that all modes Garb: Sustainable Transport: Some are as environmentally efficient as possible.
A rab co mm unit ies wit hin Israel: challenges for Israel and Palestine Even as the government subsidises car travel aim ing f or m o re than just a f air share World Transport Policy & Practice and road building, and underfunds o f car- dependenc y 4/1 [1998] 21 - 29 alternative infrastructure, many government In Israel, Jews and Arabs live spatially apart.
officials and planners plea their inability to Ninety percent of the country's Arabs live stem the g rowing ‘need' for the car travel within separate towns and villages, with which these policy measures create.
many of the remainder living in separate This lack of policy vision is particularly neighbourhoods within mixed Arab-Jewish worrying in a small, hyper-dense country cities (Gonen, 1995). Arab communities like Israel, where even today's relatively low within Israel have different motorisation and motorisation rates (cars per thousand people) land use patterns, less access to resources translate into exceptionally high and planning facilities, and different travel motorisation impacts (cars per square needs, so that their transport future deserves separate discussion (Fletcher and Garb, 1998; Israel's ‘lag' in motorisation is a golden Khaimaisi, 1995). Currently, the number of opportunity to leapfrog over outmoded cars per 1000 people in Arab communities is technologies, a gift rapidly being squandered.
35% that of Israel as a whole (due in part to Instead of continuing to direct transport larger-than-average family sizes), though the infrastructure investments to stop-gap road- rate of motorisation is growing twice as fast.
building, they must b e redirected to the Most Arab settlements have a village-like much talked about but little implemented structure. This is due, in part, to the fact that measures that can increase sustainability.
the 1948 emptying or near emptying of the These include the management of travel larger Arab towns now within the Green Line demand, raised fuel taxes, congestion truncated the upper end of the settlement- pricing, parking restrictions in city centres, size spectrum. And because many of the and the provision of light rail and improved settlements that have reached the size of bus service (routing, frequency, reliability, urban municipalities have done so through dedicated lanes in key places) in order to outward spreading of a village as the give public transport a genuine competitive imposition of military administration from advantage. A central priority is providing 1948 to 1966 reduced rural-urban and inter- alternatives to single occupancy vehicle urban migration to a minimum (Gonen and Khaimaisi, 1993). These settlements are Because car-based transport competes characterised by low to medium density with more sustainable alternatives for funds, (single or double storey homes on relatively passengers and land use patterns, large plots). Many of these villages are still investments made over the next five years usually connected to the outside world with will shape Israel's transport future for a a single large road (often bisecting the generation or more. The country can little village). Smaller windy streets feed into this afford a ‘realism' that throws up its hands in with little hierarchical ordering of size.
the face of inc reasing car use; these trends Central residential quarters and markets are are anachronistic and unsustainable, and historically designed for pedestrian and international experience has shown that they animal traffic, not motor vehicles. Because can be slowed and reversed with imaginative Israel imposes severe restrictions on and bold policies and planning (Fletcher and geographical expansion, a variety of Garb, 1998).
workshop industries metallurgy, painting, Figure 1: Current motorisation rates in selected countries (bars) compared to U.S.
car shops, food processing and packaging) historical motorisation (line) (Private cars per 1000 population).
tend to be intermingled with residentialhousing, sometimes posing considerableenvironmental hazards.
With the decline of agriculture and the relative prosperity of Jewish urban centres,and especially since the lifting of movementrestrictions when the military administrationwas abolished in 1966, Arab settlementsbecame increasingly based on a commutingeconomy to nearby Jewish cities(Gonen,1995). Many of the transportchallenges of Israel's Arab communities are Holand United States shaped by these basic circumstances of extra- Sources: U.N. statistics & Rae, The Road and Car in American Life Garb: Sustainable Transport: Some urban settlements that are structurally opportunities for local work while removing challenges for Israel and Palestine villages but function as working class hazardous economic activities away from World Transport Policy & Practice commuting suburbs with respect to large residential and commercial areas); 4/1 [1998] 21 - 29 Jewish urban areas.
accommodating and encouraging pedestrian The increasing number of c ars moving and and bicycle access for daily needs, espec ially parking in these villages is incompatible with in town centres; and building a solid public their traditional layout. Congestion has transport system while the potential become a major problem, and with ridership is still very high.
pedestrians ill-separated from traffic, Currently, intra- and inter-urban public accident rates are high. Widening and transport serving Arab sectors is hampered straightening of these roads invariably by lack of access to national resources and infringes heavily on private property, leading co-ordination, and by orientation of the large to conflict, and in some cases destroying the national public transport carriers to Jewish character of a towns' historic core. Through needs. Buses are often limited to a service traffic often has no alternative but to pass leaving the village to Jewish population through the town centre. As villages and centres in the morning, and returning after towns expand in size (under considerable work (a pattern particularly restrictive for constraint and often in a poorly planned Arab women). In many cases a single bus line manner), they become increasingly car- will pass through many villages, making dependent, especially in the absence of travel slow. There is little radial connection adequate public transport.
between villages and buses are often old In response to these problems and a legacy models that have been phased out of the of under-investment, some planners fleets that serve Jewish cities.
emphasise greater investment in the road Not only has there been a legacy of system to relieve the growing transportation proportional under-investment within Arab stresses in Arab villages: constructing a communities, but it is doubtful whether a hierarchical system of straight, wide roads sufficient portion of Israel's planned according to national standards, multiple transport investments over the c oming years road entries into villages, and ring roads are designed to serve the special needs of the around them. ‘The solution for the fifth of the country's population that is Arab.
transportation problems in these The proposed Trans-Israel Highway, Israel's settlements', claims one of the few overviews largest ever transport infrastructure of the topic, ‘demands a correct planning, investment, to run the length of the country similar to that which is done for Israel's large from the border with Lebanon to south of cities' (Khaimaisi, 1995).
Beer-Sheva, has been much debated because No doubt in some cases there is a need for of great cost, its land use and environmental new roads to serve new centres arising from impacts, and its questionable priority with much needed investment in Arab economic respect to other urgently-needed transport growth, and to divert traffic that is ruining investments. There are those who argue that town centres. But should catching up and the massive unc ertainty as to these req uires levelling standards of road capacity be the that the project be frozen pending the primary emphasis? The challenge is not comprehensive analysis that was never done simply to attain a fair share of the (Garb, 1997). The question of the project's development pie, but to use this share for a value and priority is even more pointed with transport system that is forward-looking and respect to Israel's Arab community, both in suited to inhabitants' needs, not just the central 70 km that are on the verge of mimicking of prevailing trends.
construction, and the planned northern Thus, portions of some Arab villages portions of the road through the Galilee.
retain the kind of pedestrian livability that While land for the road will be contemporary transportation planners are appropriated from both Jewish and non- struggling to achieve, and these will be Jewish settlements, the consequences for threatened by mass motorisation trends.
Arab villages may be particularly severe as Israel's car-dependent suburbs are hardly a they have suffered a series of expropriations model for emulation. Can Arab villages and over decades, and have less access to other towns take advantage of their ‘lag' in land (mostly owned by the government and motorisation levels to build more sustainable granted almost entirely to Jewish settlements) transport planning? The priorities would and to non-agricultural forms of income. In seem to be the following: town planning that addition, Arab villages were far less involved lessens the need for travel (retaining and in the project's conception, routing, and in strengthening mixed use zoning and planning to take advantage of development Garb: Sustainable Transport: Some along the right-of-way, especially that which comprehensive and internal closures have challenges for Israel and Palestine took place at less-than-formal levels. Unless disrupted travel of people and goods on World Transport Policy & Practice something changes, Jewish kibbutzim and almost 30% of potential annual working days 4/1 [1998] 21 - 29 moshavim may be in a better position to plan in the last couple of years (United Nations, around and utilise the road's consequences 1997). Trucking of freight faces similar to their benefit, through t he construction of problems. While Israeli bus lines link Jewish shopping and business areas alongside settlements to Israel they provide little (Khaimaisi, 1998).
service to the Palestinian population.
The only port in the Palestinian areas is Gaza. Serving small boats at the turn of the Transpo rt f o r Palest ine: o c c upat ion, century, the port became increasingly unc ert aint y, and t he need f or planning marginal after Haifa became the main port during the British Mandate, and the Gaza Compared to Israel, which occupied these strip's isolation after 1948. Though modern areas in 1967, the transport system in the port facilities with spare capacity exist along West Bank and Gaza has been shaped by the Israeli coast at Ashdod (30 km north of decades of poverty, neglect, and constraint.
Gaza) and Haifa, as well as at Eilat and Planning for its future is hampered by Aquaba, a deep-water port is planned for massive uncertainty and lack of institutional Gaza on grounds of national sovereignty.
and material resources. GDP per capita in the This would have major environmental territories is around around $1,600 (1996), impacts. It would be inserted into an open average monthly wages are around $350, and beach near one of the world's most crowded are significantly higher ($530) for cities, and would entail transport of goods Palestinians employed in Israeli-controlled through a densely populated area. And, by areas. Unemployment now runs at 28% and blocking transport of the northward flow of about one-fifth of the population lives Nile sands, which now replenish those beneath the poverty line of $650 annually constantly eroded from Gazan and Israeli (United Nations, 1997; Hass, 1998).
beaches, the port would strip these down to While a high quality road system has been bare rock in a decade or so (Watzman, 1995).
built since 1967 to serve Israeli security While international financing is likely to be needs and to link Jewish settlements with available for the port's construction, there are Israel, the road network serving the still no commitments to the million dollars Palestinian population is more or less the needed annually to pump sand around the one inherited from Jordan in 1967, and now port obstruction.
of a quality lower than one would expect The only active airport in the Occupied even in developing countries of similar Territories is now operated by Israel at income levels. Maintenance of the latter is so Qalandia, between Jerusalem and Ramallah.
poor that 40% of these roads are regarded by The World Bank has urged the rehabilitation the World Bank as requiring immediate of this airport (at an estimated cost of $250 rehabilitation if they are not to be lost (World million dollars) to serve international traffic Bank, 1993).
to the Palestinian Authority, whether Vehicle ownership has been increasing at through transfer of the airport to the a rate of 10% annually over the last two Authority or some shared arrangement decades, thoug h levels are still far below resulting from Israeli-Palestinian agreement Israeli levels, themselves lower than (World Bank, 1993). However, the very developed counties. More than half of the reasons cited for the site being a ‘highly fleet is over a decade old resulting in high suitable' location for such development - its pollution levels in urban centres.
centrality, within a 15 kilometre radius of Public transport is entirely road-based 20% of the total Palestinian population - (buses, vans, and shared taxis) as all rail would become a real problem once air traffic service ceased in 1948. These services are expands beyond the f ew daily flights entirely in the hands of a multitude of currently using the airport.
private operators; the bus fleet of about 780 The construction of an airport in southern vehicles, for example, is owned by some 100 Gaza, near Dahania, is currently a major item private enterprises, 70 of which own only a in negotiations; the Palestinian Authority is single bus. They are under great financial demanding autonomous air traffic, and Israel pressures: new buses and spare parts for is concerned about the security implications them are very expensive; credit is limited; of unmonitored passengers and cargo competition from cars and vans providing entering Gaza by air. If built, this airport unlicensed passenger services is fierce; and would expand Palestinian freedom of Garb: Sustainable Transport: Some movement, but for only a tiny elite. Most airports, at the expense of less obvious and challenges for Israel and Palestine Gazans will remain confined in the tiny Gaza longer-term measures. The former is the World Transport Policy & Practice strip until arrangements are made for ‘safe principal emphasis in the few existing 4/1 [1998] 21 - 29 passage' between Gaza and the West Bank.
planning documents, which predict that The latter is one of many instances where political independence will bring a drastic ‘security' or geostrategic considerations rise in income levels, car ownership and use, swamp sound planning principles in the and volumes of traffic (See, f or example, the region. Althoug h Gaza and the West Bank are ‘Transport and Communications' chapter of already connected by roads, the perceived Master Planning for the State of Palestine: need for an isolated passage for Palestinians Suggest ed Guidelines for C om prehensive through Israel has generated a range of Development Center for Engineering and schemes, including those of questionable Planning, Ramallah, 1992). Measures of equal environmental merit, most recently or greater importance - such as public and exemplified by a proposal for a sixty non-motorised transport, and the design of kilometre-long raised bridge.
pedestrian-friendly city centres and mixed Repeatedly, transport planning for use neighbourhoods that reduce the demand Palestine comes up against the fact that a for travel - receive far less attention.
cornerstone of the Israeli occupation, One can imagine a scenario of continued especially over recent years, has been the high population growth rates, increased severe management of Palestinian mobility incomes and social stratification, and the coupled with the preservation of freedom of easing of I sraeli restrictions on building and movement for Israelis within the Territories.
travel, together contributing in short order to Transport plans cannot, therefore be a wave of unregulated and car-dependent separated from issues demanding political sprawl that will precede and soon pre-empt resolution, and planners must work with more sustainable alternatives. Such planning uncertainty regarding critical questions: will issues would challenge any society, so with the transport-related components of the scarce resources, high uncertainty, and Peace Accords (safe passage between the massive external constraints, Palestinian West Bank and Gaza, a port, an airport) be transport planners have their work cut out.
implemented fully? Will Palestinians have Yet, precisely because it is starting late, control over their ability to travel between this fledgling state can avoid building the currently fragmented pieces of their own yesterday's transport problems into its future.
country, and will they be able to travel into In doing so, it will reduce the long term Israel? Will the extensive new high quality liabilities of mass motorisation, which have roads designed to allow settlers to live in the become clear over recent decades. Lessened Territories without encountering Palestinian car dependency would reduce travel related residents, continue to operate, and what will health costs, slow the destruction of open their relation be to the old, inconvenient and areas and communities through road poorly-maintained road system that serves building, free up salaries for investment rather than car purchase and maintenance, Given this uncertainty, and the and avoid building into the economy a institutional capacities that were constant drain of foreign currency for the impoverished over decades of Israeli military purchase of cars and fuel. An increasing and civil administration, the World Bank's number of examples from around the world proposed short term strategy seems wise: to show that progress and motorisation need produce transport planning capacity, rather not be eq uated (Hook, 1996).
than a transportation plan (Khamaisi, 1994).
In Gaza, these issues are especially Similarly, its emphasis on attending initially pointed. With astonishing population to municipal transport needs in areas under densities, any rise in motorisation rates will Palestinian control makes sense. However, it make life there even more hellish, especially is important that this training and capacity- since these vehicles are and will most likely building, initial municipal-level work, and continue to b e older and more polluting, longer term planning be founded on acquired second-hand from Israel. Gaza is principles of sustainable transport.
flat, with reasonable weather, low incomes in Without this sustainable emphasis and the foreseeable future, and very high training, it is likely that transport population densities: an ideal site for non- improvements will focus on improving the motorised and public transport. But unless extent and quality of the road system the demand for sustainable transport arises (accommodating and encouraging private from within Gaza itself, and is recognised as use) and on autonomy- giving port and cutting edge and compatible with raised Garb: Sustainable Transport: Some standards of living, any talk of animal and cities to the border with Israel (Hashimshoni, challenges for Israel and Palestine human-powered transport may be rejected as 1998). The impacts of motorisation in Israel's World Transport Policy & Practice an external attempt to preserve crowded coastal plain are beginning to be felt 4/1 [1998] 21 - 29 in the adjacent Palestinian areas. By the timethe nitrogen oxides and gas-phasehydrocarbons emitted by vehicles in the Tel Co - ordinat ing I sraeli and Pales t inian Aviv region have undergone a series of atmospheric chemical reactions that A looming yet largely unconsidered transport produces ozone, they are tens of km inland, challenge - also characterised by crippling over the Jerusalem area, Palestinian areas, levels of unc ertainty - is the co- ordination of and even Jordan, with potentially serious Israeli and Palestinian transport plans.
health consequences (Luria et al., 1994).
Though these two tiny countries, with Other imminent trans-boundary effects segregated populations, markedly different requiring collaborative planning are the wage rates, and dissimilar levels of pollution and land use impact of the environmental legislation, monitoring, and proposed Trans-Israel Highway. This road is enforcement share long often porous borders.
planned to run just a few km west of the Yet there is little co-ordination of the Green Line between Israel and the West Bank transport-related consequences of the for a good deal of its central portion.
considerable flows of workers, vehicles, Anticipated to carry 100,000 vehicles a day pollutants, and land use influences cross in its central stretches, construction is across these.
planned to begin within a year. While project Even with the stringent restrictions on proponents have argued the merit of drawing travel to work within Israel currently in polluting traffic eastwards, out of the Tel force, close to 100,000 workers cross into Aviv Metropolitan area, there have been no Israel for work daily, and truck traffic (not evaluations of the effect of this shift f or areas including Israeli vehicles) is about 900 east of the Green Line. And, just as the road vehicles a day (Israel Foreign Ministry, is likely to be a massive magnet for 1998). The structural conditions underlying development to its west, on the Israeli side, it this daily flow of people and goods are could do the same to its east, within adjacent unlikely to change soon. Not only is the Palestinian areas. Yet the extent to which the current and future daily labour migration project is being incorporated into Palestinian fraught with social and equity challenges, but Authority planning is unc lear.
there is little systematic thought about itsimplications for sustainable transport in bothcountries, and almost no collaborative planning f or it.
While the political developments of the last Open borders between an independent few years are rendering such talk Palestinian state and Jordan might decrease increasingly premature, the transportation the dependence on Israel somewhat, but consequenc es of future peace and the barring barely conceivable physical or opening of borders must be thought about military barriers, overall volumes can only with social equity and sustainability in mind.
increase as Palestinian and Israeli These criteria figured little in the heady populations grow. Recent estimates carried mixture of enthusiasm, mythology, and out by the U.S. Census Bureau and the unreflec tive developmentalism that have Palestine Central Bureau of Statistics show characterised the visions of forward-looking the Palestinian population in the West Bank politicians and planning committees thus far.
(including East Jerusalem) at around 1.5 On the whole, peace has been equated with million, with 900,000 in Gaza. The combined stability and open borders for business population is expected to reach 3.2 million interests, and with economic growth as by 2012 through natural increase, with an classically defined. Its infrastructural additional 415,000 possible due to correlates have tended toward grand circum- immigration in the wake of substantial Mediterranean highways, and ‘peace roads' developments in the peace process (Zureik, linking regional capitals (Ecopeace F orum, 1996). The resultant daily commute may be massive - one estimate for the year 2020 Shimon Peres, for example, is famous for yields 40,000 people an hour from Gaza his development-driven technocratic, free- northward during peaks, 25,000 along the market ‘New Middle East', for which Hebron-Jerusalem-Nablus-Jenin axis, and untrammelled car-mobility became one large numbers from all the major West Bank obvious metaphor (Peres, 1993). [However, in Garb: Sustainable Transport: Some a recent (18th March 1998) interview session growth in air traffic in the region, likely to challenges for Israel and Palestine with students from the Arava Institute for occur if direct flights between countries World Transport Policy & Practice Environmental Studies, Peres declared he become easier; the environmental impacts of 4/1 [1998] 21 - 29 had abandoned his long-held ideal of making road traffic at a few key crossing points; and Israel the infrastructural and transportation the social implications of industrial hub of the Middle East. A small and densely relocation from Israel to take advantage of populated country, he claims, cannot afford lower wages rates in neighbouring countries.
these projects - regional highways should run Because of it's unique characteristics and through Jordan, not Israel!] Israel's current location, the pressures of regional transport Prime-Ministerial candidate, Ehud Barak, developments will probably first be felt in when he held the position of Foreign the Eilat/Aquaba region, and it is here that Minister, defended his party's negotiations anticipatory planning for greater cross-border with Syria by painting a picture of ‘full movement is most advanced. This is an normalisation', in which ‘tourists can travel ecologically sensitive area and major tourist from Israel to … Turkey and to Europe in attraction at a point where Jordan, Egypt, and their own cars', while a popular progressive Israel are in close proximity. The unique columnist ended his plea for peace with coral reefs in the Red Sea Gulf are already Syria saying, ‘What more do we need in under stress by shipping, there are plans for order to be convinced that peace is a good airport expansion and/or relocation, and two deal? To give every Israeli a free lifetime large road projects are proposed to facilitate supply of gas for trips via Damascus?' trucking between Jordan and Egypt via Israel.
Some of the grander regional road projects The first is associated with the expansion of initially proposed will, no doubt, evaporate the Ein-Netafim checkpoint between Israel as soon as more careful feasibility studies are and Egypt, and the second with the done. They are based, in part, on an image of construction of an Eilat Bypass ‘Peace Israel as ‘the cross-roads of the Middle East', Highway' (Isgur, 1997). The latter would ease destined to become a regional transport hub.
the impacts of traffic through Eilat, but at the This image may be a largely mythical possible cost of increased local air pollution, holdover from the past. Before motorised runoff from road surfaces into the Gulf, transport, when trade was far less global than severance of wildlife movement, and scenic today, foot and animal traffic relied on the intrusion. A second pressure point may land route through Israel with its develop if significant volumes of shipping unambiguous terrain and frequent water are redirected from Aquaba to the stops (See Hashimshoni, 1998). Today, Mediterranean along routes within Israel to however, the volume of trade between Arab Haifa. Estimates suggest that this could countries is relatively small (only 2% of initially comprise between 70 and 200 trucks Egypt's imports are from other Arab a day (Hashimshoni, 1998).
countries, for example), and they have Given wage disparities between Israel and developed a transport network quite capable surrounding countries, eased travel could of handling traffic between them despite the increase firm efficiency, but also overall post-1948 closure of the traditional route travel volumes and labour exploitation. As through Israel. Even the connection between current processes in the textile industry Africa (Egypt and to some degree Libya) and indicate, Israeli firms may choose to relocate Arab countries to the east is now made labour-intensive portions of their production through the Sinai-Aquaba ferry. If anything, cycle in Jordan and Egypt, leaving knowledge the ‘desert route' of Jordan is more likely to and technology-intensive portions in Israel, become the regional transport avenue.
increasing the overall haulage volumes, the Thus the motivations for sweeping ‘peace bulk of which is likely to be road-based. (For roads' proposals may be located not so much reflection on the environmental implications in real transportation demand as in of European Union transport integration, see international donor enthusiasm for projects Whitelegg, 1993.) While such levels of that link the region's countries - especially integration lie far in the future for the Middle Israel with its Arab neighbours (On these East, the patterns described there are selection pressures see Cohn, 1997). This lack of real demand, combined with the Environmentalists and labour activists stalled peace process, mean that the massive must work to ensure that their criteria are proposed regional network of peace roads is built into visions of a New Middle East, not an imminent danger.
raising questions that are still barely heard.
Other issues are of more immediate Can we ensure that the pricing of freight concern: the acceleration of the already rapid haulage reflects the full social and Garb: Sustainable Transport: Some environmental costs of transport, so that still low motorisation levels. Israel began the challenges for Israel and Palestine decisions of local production versus import 1990s with car ownership levels World Transport Policy & Practice are rationalised? Can rail and sea transport approximating those of the U.S. during 4/1 [1998] 21 - 29 (with the kind of inter-modal container- World War 2, and levels in Jordan and the transfer now being developed) provide more Occupied Territories were closer to those of efficient long-distance haulage in the long World War 1. Can transport planning in term than trucks along some routes? How countries utilise any of the things we've will emission standards of heavy commercial learnt about transport since then? vehicles, which will contribute the majority Without imagination, each sector can of pollution from cross-border travel, be co- declare it impossible to argue with the ordinated among the region's nations? Can inevitably rising demand for car travel, and we ensure that increased mobility is not so scramble to build the infrastructure that simply achieving flexibility for corporations will meet and thus encourage this demand; at the expense of people and places? each can regret not having the luxury to putlong-term livability ahead of more urgentthing s.
Co nc lusio n: Realisi ng t he Benef it s o f With imagination and boldness, on the other hand, policy lev ers and wise In a region so troubled, environmental investments might shape demand, rather criteria and careful planning have often been than merely (and unsuccessfully) follow it; secondary to more ‘pressing' agenda. Yet in examples of successful and often less costly different ways, each of the sectors mentioned alternative practices can be emulated from (Israel, the emerging Palestine, Arab around the world - including those in places communities within Israel, and the region as grappling with their own constraints and a whole) will need precisely this kind of emergencies. ‘Lags' can be turned into gifts: long-term systemic think ing if they are to not relatively clean slates from which to build a waste the moment of opportunity offered by different kind of future.
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unpublished research paper, Ar ava Institute for Ecopeace Middle East Environmental NGO Forum Environmental Studies, Jerusalem, D ecember.
(1997) "An Updated Inventory of New Israel Foreign Ministry Information D ivision Development Projects, Compiled from Reports (1998) "Economic relations Between Israel and Presented by the PNA, Hashemite Kingdom of the Palestinian Authority" Background Paper, Jordan, State of Israel, and Republic of Egypt to the Casablanca, Amman and Cairo Middle East Khamaisi, R. (1994) "Planning and Development of North Africa Economic Summit" (Ecopeace Localities in the Emerging Palestinian Entity" Forum, East Jerusalem, March).
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Israel: A Growing Concern and a Potential Gonen, A. and Khaimaisi, R. (1993) "Toward a International Issue" in Preser vation of Our World Policy of Urbanisation Poles for the Arab in the Wake of Change ISEEQS, Vol. VI.
Population in Israel" Floersheimer Institute for Peleg, A. M., Luria, M., Setter, I., Perner, D. and Policy Studies, Jerusalem. [in Hebrew].
Russell, P. (1994) "Ozone Levels in Central Gur, Y., Cohen, S. and Zaaga, M. (1996) "Israeli Israel" Israel Journal of Chemistry 34, 3 75-386.
Urban Transport in the 21st Century: Trends and Peres, S. (1993) The New Middle East Henry Holt, Degrees of Freedom, 2020 Master Plan for Israel, Transpor t Team, Report 18, Stage three" [In Solomon, I., Gur, Y. and Feitelson, E. (1996) "La nd Transpor tation Planning - Israel 2020: Statement Hashimshoni, G . (1995) " The Implications of Peace of Policy" [In Hebrew].
for the Regional Land Transpor t System - Israel United Nations Office of the Special Coordinator as a Bridge Between Continents" paper presented in the Occupied Territories (1997) "Economic to the Israel Institute of Transportation Planning and Social Conditions in the West Bank and Gaza and Resear ch, Tel Aviv, July 23.
Strip" in Quarterly report United Nations, New Hashimshoni, G. (1998) "Surface Transport Development Policy for the State of Israel" repor t Watzman, H. (1995) "Port Plan Threatens to Strip submitted to the Ministry of Transport, January.
Gaza's Coastline" New Scientist July 22.
Hass, A. (1998) "One Fifth of the Population in the Wegener, M. (1997) "Issues for a European- Areas Lives Under the Poverty Line: American Research Programme on the Future of Unemployment rate-28%" Haaretz, March 17, p Transport" Journal of Transport Geogr aphy vol.
Hook, W. (1996) "Ten Myths About the Whitelegg, J. (1993) Transport for a Sustainable Relationship Between Transportation and Future: The case for Europe Belhaven, New York.
Economic Development". Prepared for the World Bank (1993) "Transportation" in Developing Second U.N. Conference on Human Settlements, the Occupied T err itories: An Inve stment in Peace Istanbul, Turkey (New York: Institute for - Vol. 5: Infrastructure Washington D.C.: The Transpor tation and Development Policy, 1996).
Hook, W. (n.d.) "Role of Non-motorised Zureik, E. (1996 ) "Palestinian Refugees and the Transpor tation and Public Transport in Japan's Peace Process" Institute for Palestine Studies, Economic Success" Transportation Research Washington, D.C.
Record 1441 : 108 -115.
Can Demand Management Tame theAutomobile in a Metropolitan Region? Spenser W. Hav lickProfessor of Environmental Design,College of Architecture and Planning, University of Colorado,Boulder, CO 80309-0314, U.S.A. Email: Peter W. G. NewmanProfessor of City Policy,Institute for Science and Technology Policy, Murdoch University,Murdoch, WA 6150, AUSTRALIA Email: Pr e par ed for pr e s entation infrastructure provided for the automobile, to at the 37th Annual Meeting car dependent land use patterns and to of the Wes tern Regional Demand management strategies can be an economic factors (Newman and Kenworthy, Scie nce As sociation, effective tool in taming the automobile. The Montere y, California. 1989; Kenworthy et al., 1998). These studies approaches to demand management in four February 1 8-22, 19 98 suggest that demand management should be European cities; Zurich, Freiburg, Stockholm feasible. Governments and international and Copenhagen; and Boulder, Colorado is agencies are hence suggesting demand invest igated.
management as a major strategy formunicipalities (OECD/ECMT, 1996).
In regional science discussions economic factors are usually taken to be the most Demand Management, alternative modes, significant with the assumption that as incomes rise there will be an inevitableincrease in the growth in automobile use (e.g.
Gordon, Kumar and Richardson, 1989).
Hence there is little point in developing THE AUTOMOBILE continues to grow in its demand management strategies based on use and impact on cities around the world.
limiting infrastructure for the automobile or For most American cities the dominant even economic penalties as the income effect strategy to cope with traffic has been to will overwhelm all attempts to constrain the increase the road capacity or shift traffic to car. Love (1992) even goes as far as claiming less sensitive areas. This supply management that the automobile is ‘unstoppable' as it is approach has been criticised increasingly an ‘irresistible force'.
because, not surprisingly, it increases There is thus a conflict between these two approaches: the first suggests that public The alternative approach is to create policy can be effective in managing demand, options which manage demand. Data from the second that consumer preferences for different cities around the world show very cars is far too powerful for any public policy different levels of automobile use and these aimed at curbing this insatiable demand.
are related quite clearly to the lev el of However, demand management can be aneffective tool in taming the automobile. Five Table 1: A summary of automobile demand management strategies.
cities, four in Europe; Zurich, Freiburg,Stockholm and Copenhagen; and Boulder, Slowing traffic with physical devices and narrowing Colorado have direct experience of demand management and all have been comm itted to Slowing traffic with slow speed zones policies aimed at achieving this for a number Slowing traffic with strong policing Favouring Alternate Modes: Increasing infrastructure for bikes, pedestrians andtransitDecreasing parking and road capacity D em and Manag em ent St rat eg ies Social support for alternative modes, e.g. transit passes There are a range of automobile demand Economic Penalties: Paying more of full costs of car use through fuel tax or management techniques or approaches that have been suggested, and these have been Congestion pricing on SOV's at peak time summarised into four categories as set out in High parking fees Table 1 opposite.
Non Auto Dependent Land Uses: Growth management to prevent sprawl These approaches will be used as the basis Urban villages around transit stops of examining the five case studies in this Havlick & Newman: Can Demand Zurich (population in 1990 of 787,740), the best car-free environments in Europe.
Management Tame the Automo- Copenhagen (population in 1990 of The co-ordinated campaign is so effective bile in a Metropolitan Region? 1,711,254), Stockholm (population in 1990 of that the modal share of car trips in Zurich for World Transport Policy & Practice 1.64 million) and Freiburg (population in the journey-to-work has fallen by 10% 4/1 [1998] 30 - 35 1990 of 178,343) are examples of European between 1980 and 1990. The strategy, says cities that have made concerted efforts to planner Willi Husler, was "to point out other tame the automobile through demand better possibilities of use. That way we can management whilst improving the q uality of fight a guerrilla war against the car and win" life of their citizens.
(Begbie, 1992).
The fifth case study is of Boulder, Colorado which in 1990 had a population of88,650. Boulder is located 42 km from Case St udy 2: Co penhagen Denver which is the regional influence with The approach taken by Copenhagen is a sprawling population of 1.24 million.
summarised in Table 3.
Copenhagen has had no growth in car-use in the old city for the past 15 years. At the Case St udy 1: Zuric h same time it has been able to reverse the In the last 15 years Zurich has had a decline in the economic vitality of the city spectacular increase in its transit service and (Newman et al., 1997). This has been managed to contain its growth in car use. The achieved by resisting any attempts to create changes in Zurich have occurred despite extra road capacity and to deliberately substantial growth in per capita wealth to remove parking capacity at a rate of 3% per levels that are now considerably higher than year. However this approach to infrastructure average levels in U.S. cities (Kenworthy et has been balanced by a strong commitment to al., 1998). The approaches taken by Zurich bicycles with the result that the modal split are summarised in Table 2 below.
in the city is about equal between cyclists, Zurich's main priority after extensive buses and cars.
pub lic consultation has been to expand their Like many European cities Copenhagen train and tram system, give transit priority at had a lot of bicycle use early this century but lights, co-ordinate interchanges, and unlike other cities it has not removed undertake an aggressive marketing campaign bicycling as it modernised and became based on its Rainbow Card. This created a wealthy. Car usage grew and threatened the new status for the transit pass which was more humble b ike, b ut in the 1960s given to employees rather than car parking Copenhagen decided to stay with its bikes.
spaces and the Rainbow Card has now The decision was reflected most of all in its become over 80% of the transit system rejection of a massive freeway system that income. This was done instead of a proposed had been drawn up for implementation as in expansion of the road system after public most developed cities at that time.
disquiet led to Cantons voting it out.
In their place and at much reduced cost The other parts of their approach (i.e.
the city began to invest in cycleways and trams, bus, rail, bikeways) are standard for traffic management. Although they have only many European cities except for the strong 300 km of separated bikeways (much less commitment to new urban villages around than in Amsterdam and other Dutch cities) extended light rail lines which are some of the city has created safety and priority forcyclists by much cheaper m eans - paint on Table 2: Zurich's approach to automobile demand management summarised.
the roads and a successful education programthat generated a ‘culture of respect for Regional traffic calming cyclists'. Thus at every intersection there are Extensive 30 km/h zones blue strips for cyclists to ride in, giving them priority against all turning vehicles.
Favouring Alternate Modes: Expansion of light rail system and bike/pedestrian lanes The result is a city where cyclists have No extra road capacity, cap on parking safe and easy access comparable with other Rainbow Pass for transit system modes. Data on traffic accidents (Kenworthy Economic Penalties: Usual European fuel tax and registration et al., 1998) show Copenhagen among the No congestion pricing best in the world; this must have something High parking fees to do with the ‘culture of respect' generated Non Auto Dependent Land Uses: Containment of growth for bikes which obviously extends to all Urban villages around new light rail lines other road users, especially pedestrians. The bike is now used by people of allbackgrounds, ages and incomes.
Havlick & Newman: Can Demand The latest innovation in Copenhagen is by 3% each year they pedestrianised more Management Tame the Automo- the City Bike program where colourful bikes streets and public squares. Each year they bile in a Metropolitan Region? are provided free (after a deposit is placed in also built or refurbished inner city housing World Transport Policy & Practice the bike- holder like an airport baggage so people could make use of the new walking 4/1 [1998] 30 - 35 trolley). These bikes are paid for by areas easily. They introduced into the streets commercial advertising and are maintained all kinds of attractive landscaping, by the City of Copenhagen with assistance sculptures, and seating (including 3000 seats from the Prison system who collect and along footpath cafés). And each y ear, they repair damaged bikes overnight. It is hard to introduced more buskers, markets and other find a free bike from among the present 2,500 street life and festivals that became more and bikes which are available but as the more popular. As Jan Gehl said, "the city originator of the scheme, city administrator became like a good party".
Soren Jensen, says: "When there are 10,000 The result has been not only a reduction bikes in a few years it will be a normal thing in the traffic but growth in the vitality of the for anyone downtown to just jump on a city city area. Social and recreational activity has bike to move around the inner city".
tripled in Copenhagen's major streets (Gehl But Copenhagen's contribution to demand and Gemsoe, 1996). And this despite pleas management would not be understood unless that: "Denmark has never had a strong urban it was seen as a part of an innovative social culture", "Danes will never get out of their planning approach designed to make the city cars", "Danes do not promenade like more attractive to pedestrians. Professor Jan Italians". Such pleas are heard around the Gehl describes the process by which world whenever a program to manage Copenhagen began to win back its city over a automobile demand is planned, but not all cities capitulate to it. Copenhagen is a living "By the 60s American values had begun to example that car culture is not inevitable or catch on - separate isolated homes and everyone driving. The city was sufferingso how could we reverse these patterns?We decided to make the public realm so Case St udy 3: St o c kho lm attractive it would drag people back into Stockholm, which is one of the richest cities the streets, whilst making it in the world, showed an absolute decline in simultaneously difficult to go there by car use in the 1980s in the global survey of car" (Gehl, 1992).
cities conducted by Kenworthy et al., (1998).
As Copenhagen reduced central area parking Stockholm's aggressive traffic taming policiesand actions actually produced a reduction incar trips by 229 km per capita. This cutback Table 3: Copenhagen's automobile demand management strategy summarised.
or reduction in car driving distance and car Regional traffic calming but extensively pedestrian in use was associated with a growth in transit from 46 trips per person. The data for Extensive 30 km/h zones Stockholm in comparison to 10 U.S. cities are given in Table 4. The approaches taken Favouring Alternate Modes: Emphasis on bikelanes and pedestrianisation by Stockholm, are given in Table 5.
No extra road capacity, reduction of parking by 3% p.a.
In examining how Stockholm managed to make such an impressive step towards Culture of respect for bicyclists taming the automobile it is hard to go beyondits strong commitment to land use planning Economic Penalties: Usual European fuel tax but very high vehicle with a transit-led development approach.
The regulations which shape its planning No congestion pricing mean that everyone lives within a short walk High parking fees or a fast rail service to work.
Non Auto Dependent Land Uses: Corridors of growth The city is strongly contained in its Urban villages around rail lines growth patterns and has an emphasis on re- Mixed use in centres urbanisation which has a big effect on travelpatterns. Data on population between 1980 Table 4: Trends in Stockholm and U.S. cities transport, 1980 to 1990.
and 1990 show an increase in t he density of Car use (VKT) per person Transit Use trips per person the central city, the inner city and the outer suburbs (Kenworthy et al., 1998). This they achieved by building urban villages around their rail system in the inner city (e.g. South Source: Kenworthy et al., 1998 Station) and in new outer suburbs (e.g.
Havlick & Newman: Can Demand Skarpnak). These new developments are all provide data which show how Freiburg's car Management Tame the Automo- dense, mixed use areas with a careful eye for ownership has risen from 113 per 1000 bile in a Metropolitan Region? the kind of design characteristics found in people in 1960 to 422 per 1000 in 1990, only World Transport Policy & Practice the old inner city of Stockholm. But most a little under the average for the Zurich 4/1 [1998] 30 - 35 importantly of all they are built around a agglomeration, and only 14% less than the quality rail service that links up the whole national average for Germany (481 per 1000).
city. They have been popular as places to live But as Table 6 below shows, despite this and work and have some of the highest growth in availability of cars, car use has transit levels found in the world.
remained virtually constant since 1976.
Transit passengers have increased by 53%and bicycle trips have risen by 96% between Case St udy 4: F reib urg 1976 and 1991.
Another city which has shown that it is Freiburg's growth in car trips in 15 years indeed practical to stop the growth of car was only 1.3%, yet total trips increased 30%.
use, even when car ownership is growing is Freiburg's growth in mobility was supplied Freiburg, Germany. Pucher and Clorer (1992) principally by increased use of publictransport and bicycling. I n fact, the share oftrips by car reduced over the 15 years from Table 5: Stockholm's automobile demand management strategy summarised.
60% to 47%. Pucher and Clorer also show Regional traffic calming but extensively pedestrian how the g rowth in car ownership has also around each rail station begun to slow down (Freiburg had previously Extensive 30 km/h zones been higher in car ownership than West Germany as a whole, whereas now it is less).
Favouring Alternate Modes: Strong commitment to transit The summary of Freiburg's demand Little extra road capacity management approach is given below in Economic Penalties: Usual European fuel tax and vehicle registration Pucher and Clorer attribute Freiburg's No congestion pricing success at ‘taming the automobile' to a High parking fees combination of transportation and physicalplanning strategies: Non Auto Dependent Land Uses: Corridors of transit-oriented development (TOD) and no "First, it has sharply restricted auto use in the city. Second it has provided Urban villages around new rail stops affordable, convenient, and safe Mixed use in centres alternatives to auto use. Finally, it hasstrictly regulated development to ensure a Table 6: Transportation trends in Freiburg, Germany, 1976-1991
compact land use pattern that is Transportation Factor 1991 % Increase 1976-1991 conducive to public transportation, Total daily trips bicycling and walking" (p. 386).
Total daily auto trips Freiburg has restricted auto use through Auto's share of non-pedestrian trips mechanisms such as pedestrianisation of the Bicycle's share of non-pedestrian trips city centre, area-wide traffic calming Source: Pucher and Clorer (1993) schemes (citywide speed limit of 30 km/h inresidential areas) and more difficult,expensive parking. Freiburg's improvements Table 7: Freiburg's automobile demand management strategy summarised.
to transit have focussed on extending andupg rading its light rail system as opposed to Regional traffic calming but extensively pedestrian in buses. Buses are used as feeders to the light rail system. Land use regulations are similar Extensive 30 km/h zones to many other parts of Europe and have involved limiting the overall amount of land Favouring Alternate Modes: Strong commitment to transit and bicycle infrastructure available to development and strictly zoning Little extra road capacity land for agriculture, forests, wildlife reserves or undeveloped open space.
Economic Penalties: Usual European fuel tax and vehicle registration Pucher and Clorer stress the important No congestion pricing automobile use savings of the more compact High parking fees urban patterns that have resulted from these Non Auto Dependent Land Uses: Corridors of transit-oriented development and no other latter policies. It is also worth noting that after the Second World War it was decided to Urban villages around rail stops rebuild Freiburg, totally destroyed by the Mixed use in centres war, on the old model, not on an automobile Havlick & Newman: Can Demand dependent model. Pucher and Clorer note dedicated to non-car alternatives such as Management Tame the Automo- that even in the post-1960s period, as smaller buses with bicycle racks, improved bile in a Metropolitan Region? Freiburg expanded on f latter land to the pedestrian crossings and footpaths, an World Transport Policy & Practice west, the resulting development " … is at a expanded network of off-roadway bike paths 4/1 [1998] 30 - 35 much higher density than outlying portions for commuters, user friendly bus passes (the of American metropolitan areas", as well as Eco-pass) for university students, employees, being within easy reach of public and entire neighbourhoods. A separate transportation and well-served by bikeways.
division called GO BOULDER was formedwith a twelve person staff within the Case St udy 5: Bo ulder, Co lo rado .
Transportation Department. GO BOULDER Data on car usage in Boulder show that staff members carry out marketing demand management efforts shifted 42% of campaigns, co-ordinate alternate mode former car users who travelled to downtown innovations and work on regional traffic Boulder to other transportation options. This demand management schemes. Other cities modal shift from the car to alternative forms throughout the Denver Metropolitan Area of transportation took place over a four year consult frequently with GO BOULDER staff period and included downtown employees in efforts to reduce Single Occupancy and other individuals who lived in Boulder Vehicle (SOV) uses. Experiments are and made trips to the central business underway to implement peak pricing or district to their place of employment and/or congestion pricing of SOV during rush hour.
for shopping, eating, business transactions, Programs are in place to reduce traffic and recreation, or to simply watch other people, speeding in neighbourhoods with especially along the 1 km pedestrianised roundabouts, speed bumps, photo radar, new Pearl Street Mall. The alternative modes used small buses and private shuttle services include bus, bicycle, walking, car pooling, using main transit corridors.
and shuttle service from outlying parking Specific car disincentive programs have areas (park and ride).
been implemented such as doubling rates for In 1993 the Boulder City Council car parking to more c losely reflect car park mandated that nearly 20% of the city's land values, doubling parking fines, creating transportation department annual budget be neighbourhood parking permits for residents reallocated away from car-related only, and reducing the number of car spaces expenditures such as road widening, double required in new residential and commercial turn lanes, more car parking, more stop lights, and better signalling to alternative The encouragement of telecommuting , a mode functions. Over a fifteen year period citywide bicycle network, 300 free bicycles this 20% budget reallocation will be in the Central Business District (Spokes forFolks), Bike to Work weeks, and bicycle- Table 8 Summary of Boulder's automobile demand management strategy.
mounted police officers are part of thedemand management strategy to encourage Extensive traffic calming including pedestrianisation of non-car mobility.
The impact of Boulder's initiatives at the Slow zones (30 km/h in most residential regional level comes as an unexpected surprise. The Denver Regional Enforcement including digital speed displays, double Transportation District (RTD) has installed fines in slow zones bike racks on all 1400 buses. Bike paths are Favouring Alternate Modes: Strong commitment to bicycle infrastructure being designed with regional inter-city Hop, Skip and Jump bus system, new rail link, connections. Boulder is being included in telecommuting, shuttles for kids plans for passenger rail connections because Little extra road capacity allowed, cap on parking with of the proven demand for alternative assistance to park on CBD edge transportation modes. Other towns and cities Eco-pass, free bikes, bus passes, computerised car in Boulder County and the Denver Regional pooling, flextime, four day week Council of Government jurisdiction are either Economic Penalties: Usual European fuel tax and vehicle registration duplicating Boulder's car taming Congestion pricing for SOV's Double parking fees and experiment s or asking that they b e considered. Traffic calming or car Preferential parking fees for HOV's elimination is an integral part of land use Non Auto Dependent Land Uses: Growth management and green belt regulation and zoning in Boulder's Noise barriers and open land buffers comprehensive plan. Mixed use development Urban villages around rail stops (work-live proximity), neighbourhood market Mixed use in centres centres, and rezoning of commercial land to Havlick & Newman: Can Demand reduce car journeys and work-related trips JUMP which is planned to connect other Management Tame the Automo- began in 1997. Building permits which show nearby cities with direct express services to bile in a Metropolitan Region? no or little need for SOV use are given World Transport Policy & Practice priority under the one percent per annum 4/1 [1998] 30 - 35 growth management scheme for Boulder (Havlick, 1997).
The idea that automobile demand Even though the average length of car trips management is a lost cause due to consumer has increased in Boulder over the last five preferences, t hat inevitably mean increased years, as it has in most Australian and some automobility, is not supported b y the case European cities, it is encouraging to realise studies presented in this paper. Consumer pub lic transport can capture car trips at the preferences are obviously a powerful force local level, and provide a potential model for but in transport terms they are not inevitably change at a regional scale.
just directed towards cars. The examples Boulder has had a policy to try and tame presented here show that people will the automobile for the past ten years. It has respond given some realistic and suitable done this through a range of strategies which options. They are also going to respond to are set out in Table 8. The HOP, SKIP, and pub lic policy which gives them options to be JUMP bus system mentioned above in Table more environmentally responsible, e.g. the 8 is an example of metropolitan regional co- Eco-Pass and other similar initiatives in operation with the major mass transit Boulder. These results would suggest that provider in the Denver metro area. The large, governments can b e much more conf ident in diesel burning Rapid Transit District (RTD) proposing their automobile demand bus service was very much underutilised in management strategies, particularly if they Boulder. They were seen as intruders and out have a strong element of facilitating the of place in the streets of Boulder. They were common good.
seen not only as noisy, polluting and In these case studies there is an important inefficient (most were empty) but also as message for regional institutions, regional anti-social. The staff of GO BOULDER and councils of governments, and even national the Boulder City Council recognised this and governments which wish to show a reversal began to work out an arrangement whereby in the consumption of fossil fuels. The the City of Boulder would help finance a Montreal Accords on Chlorofluorocarbons colourful, fleet of small (24 passenger) (CFCs) and other ozone-related gases, and the circulator buses called the HOP in co- concerns of the 1997 Kyoto Climate Change operation with the RTD. It was a very Conference can be mitigated, in part, with successful 18-month experiment which the encouragement and greater application of carried 1.5 million passengers.
the case studies in this report. With the hope As a follow up to the present HOP demonstrated in our exemplary cities listed circulator buses, a major north-south RTD above, and the potential spill-over effects in large bus route was replaced (again with city each of their large metropolitan regions, the and University of Colorado student funding) prospect of regional sustainability is given by 15 small size buses called the SKIP, encouragement. At the very least, the complete with bike racks and circulating on a pragmatism of transport demand 10 minute interval. The SKIP service began management is attracting serious attention in in August 1997. The third phase is called the several metropolitan areas around the world.
Gehl, J. (1992) "The Challenge of Making a Human Quality in the II: An International Databook. In Preparation.
City" in Perth Beyond 2000 Proceedings of the City Challenge Love, C. (1992) "Cars and D emographics" Access , 1: 4 -11 Berkeley Conference, Perth, September.
Transpor tation Center.
Gehl, J. and Gemsoe, L. (1996) Public Life and Public Spaces, Newman, P.W.G. and Kenworthy, J.R. (1989) Cities and Royal D anish Academy of Fine Arts, Copenhagen.
Automobile Dep ende nce: A n Inter national Sourcebook. Gower , Gordon, P., Kumar, A. a nd Richardson, H.W. (1989) "The Aldershot, U.K.
Influence of Metropolitan Spatia l Structure on Commuting Newman, P.W.G., Kenworthy, J.R. and Laube, F. (1997) "The Times" Journal of Urban Economics , 26, 138-14 9.
Global City and Sustainability" Fifth International Workshop on Havlick, S.W., (1997) "Great Cities for the 21st Century" Presented Technology and Urban Form, Jakarta, June.
at UNEP Regional Workshop for Asia/Pacific: Adopting, OECD/E CMT, (1996) Urban Trave l and Sustainable De velopment Applying and Operating Environmentally Sound Technologies for Ur ban Management, Session 18.
Pucher, J. and Clorer, S. (1992) "Taming the Automobile in Kenworthy, J.R., et al. (1998) Cities and Automobile Depende nce Germ any" Transportation Quarterly 46: 3:38 3-395 .
The Impact of Transportation onHousehold Energy Consumption Rick Bro wning, AIABrowning•Shono Architects, 2701 NW Vaughn, Suite 437, Portland, Oregon 97210,U.S.A. Michele Helo uChurch & Merrill Architects, Portland, Oregon, U.S.A. Paul A. LarocqueCarleton Hart Architecture, Portland, Oregon, U.S.A.
The auth or s compute d th e Land use patterns that reinforce travel in values in this paper in single occupancy vehicles (SOV) are British the rmal units (Btu). This paper examines transportation energy increasingly the Pacific Northwest's, and The s e have be e n conve r te d costs as an integral part of total household into in Joules and America's, preferred context for single-family Me g aJoule s. energy consumption. A typical suburban residential development (Figure 1). As would 1 Btu = 1055.06 J = 252 household is found to expend more than half be expected, vehicle k ilometres travelled calor ie s its total annual energy budget on operation of (VKT) per capita have also been steadily 1 MJ = 947.81 Btu = 238.85 household motor vehicles. In contrast, growing during this period of suburban households located in traditional, pedestrian- expansion (Figure 2).
oriented neighbourhoods are found to use farless energy on t ransportation. For aninstructive contrast, two household budgets Figure 1: Populations of Idaho, Oregon & Wasghington
were generated using a standard computer living in cities and suburbs areas, 1950-90 (From US Census)
program and then compared. With transportation energies included, a household living in an 88 year old ‘energy hog' house located in a traditional pedestrian friendly neighbourhood is shown to expend less total annual energy than a suburbanhousehold living in a highly energy efficient modern house. Studies and statistics developed in the Pacific Northwest are used Fig. 1: Shares of Population of Idaho, Oregon, and as documentation for travel-related Figure 2: Daily distance driven per c
Washington Living in Cities and Suburbs Areas,1950-'90 30 apita in Idaho,
From US Bureau of the Census Publications Oregon & Washington, 1957-95 (From FHWA Highway Statistics)
Energy, Houses, Modal choice.
Bac k g round and G eneral A ppro ac h AT A TIME when home-buyers' and architects' interest in energy-savingtechnology and design strategies is once 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 again on the increase, residential Fig. 2: Daily Distance Driven per Capita neighbourhood typology and its profound To document what fraction of a typical Idaho, Oregon and Washington,1957-'95 impact on lev els of household energy use annual household energy budget is From FHWA Highway Statistics currently and pollution ironically remains an almost devoted to transportation, both automobile negligible concern for many ‘green' and household operating budgets have been practitioners and consumers. The intent of converted to common units - Joules.
this paper is to examine annual Calculations included the energy lost as transportation energy use as an integral part waste heat during the process of generating of total household energy budgets and to and delivering smaller quantities of useful suggest certain changes as a result of our energy. Thus, the energy consumed by an Browning, Helou & Larocque: The findings. Statistics and climatic conditions automobile is estimated by multiplying the Impact of Transportation on for the Pacific Northwest have been used, but number of litres of gasoline consumed by the Household Energy Consumption the conclusions of the paper are applicable to entire average energy c ontent per litre (36 World Transport Policy & Practice4/1 [1998] 36 - 39 all regions of the U.S.A.
MJ). In a similar way the energy lost when Browning, Helou & Larocque: TheImpact of Transportation onHousehold Energy Consumption World Transport Policy & Practice4/1 [1998] 36 - 39 Figure 3: Suburban house used in comparison modelling
generating electricity and firing a gas furnace Figure 4: Daily trip generation in the Portland area
(central heating boiler) is also included in the (From Metro Travel Results, Portland, OR) total budgets. The efficiency for electricpower generation and delivery is estimated atapproximately 38% and furnace efficiency is estimated at 70% (including fuel transmission loss).
A Tale of Two Neighbourhoods
To illustrate how strongly neighbourhoodtype affects overall household energyconsumption two contrasting residences in Vehicle Miles per Ca two different neighbourhoods have beenselected. Reasonable household space heating budgets were generated using astandard computer program for building performance (Energy Scheming). Estimated yearly demands for all types of energy consuming devices and appliances using data from the Nevada Power Company were thenitemised and added in to the basiccalculations to arrive at total annual houseenergy consumption. Both houses were modelled with gas furnaces of equal efficiency, in use identical lengths of time,with thermostats set at the same temperature.
All other energy consuming devices in each house were assumed to be electric, with equal loads, except as noted in the description of House #1 below.
Household #1 (Figure 3) lives in a 186 m2 (2,000 s.f.) house (average size for new construction during 1995-96 in the sixcounty area around Portland, Oregon) located in a suburban neighbourhood. Walking forutilitarian errands is not practical. Access to Browning, Helou & Larocque: The mass transit is inconvenient and use of a substantially more daily trips without a car Impact of Transportation on bicycle for transportation is intimidating.
than their suburban counterparts (Figure 4).
Household Energy Consumption Based on averages from recent studies of Automobile usage is assumed to be 24,000 World Transport Policy & Practice aggregate odometer readings in this type of km (15,000 miles) per annum for Household 4/1 [1998] 36 - 39 new suburban neighbourhood, household # 2 (Calthorpe, 1993).
automobile usage is assumed to be 48,000 km House # 2 is an early 20th century ‘energy (30,000 miles) per annum (Calthorpe, 1993).
hog' with no insulation, single-pane The Bonneville Power Administration's windows, poor south orientation and a large ‘Super Good Cents' building amount of infiltration coming in throug h recommendations were followed in House almost 90 years worth of cracks and gaps in # 1, taking performance considerably beyond the exterior envelope. With the exception basic code minima, with a calculated space noted in the description for Household # 1, heating budget for northwestern O regon of the family of Household # 2 owns all the 44,210 MJ per annum. In comparison to same types of appliances, lights and climate Household # 2, a slight but measurably control devices as Household # 1 and uses greater desire for comfort has been assumed them with equal frequency.
as regards the choice and use of household Household #2 has a calculated space appliances. For example, Household # 1 has a heating budget of 141,380 MJ per annum, and quick recovery water heater, while the house, with all other appliances, etc.
Household # 2 does not. Household # 1 has a added in, consumes a total 248,570 MJ per 566 litre (20 cu. ft.) frost-free refrigerator, annum. House # 1 is therefore 149% more while Household # 2 has a 453 litre (16 cu.
efficient than House # 2 while also being ft.) manual defrost model. House # 1, with all 143% larger.
energy-using devices combined consumes a Under the assumption (currently being total 167,120 MJ per annum.
researched by the authors) that families Household # 2 lives in an 88 year old 130 facing increased driving demands, especially m2 (1,400 s.f.) frame house located in a those with children, tend to choose traditional, inner city neighbourhood of somewhat larger, more commodious vehicles, Portland, Oregon. A wide range of retail Household # 1 is assigned cars with fuel shops and basic services are located within a ratings in the current range of sport utility few blocks of House # 2, accessible by foot vehicles and family vans - about 11 litres/100 along pleasant, tree-lined streets. Mass transit km (21 mpg). Household # 2 is assigned the is nearby and convenient. A ty pical trip to current normal passenger car average of 8.3 the regional centre of downtown Portland litres/100 km (28 mpg).
takes about 10 minutes by bicycle or bus. An Household # 1's car energy budget is in-depth travel survey conducted in 1996 by 190,080 MJ per annum, making a total (car + Metro, the Portland area's regional planning house) energy consumption for Household # 1 authority, used thousands of detailed ‘travel of 357,200 MJ per annum. Car energy diaries' to document individual consumption is therefore more than 50% of transportation choices. Results showed that the total. Household #2's car energy budget is residents in Household # 2's type of 71,712 MJ per annum, making a total energy consumption for Household # 2 of 320,282 MJ neighbourhood not only drive less, but make per annum. The comparison of these Table 1: Amalgamation of the various calculations for the two households
reduced car use
CARdistance travelled fuel used (litres) Browning, Helou & Larocque: The household totals shows that the household in Impact of Transportation on the traditional neighbourhood (Household Design and construction professionals Household Energy Consumption # 2), living with uninsulated walls, single- concerned with reducing our profligate rate World Transport Policy & Practice pane windows, etc., still uses approximately of energy use must begin to take a more 4/1 [1998] 36 - 39 10% less energy per annum than the ‘Super proactive stance in favour of m ixed use, Good Cents' suburban house, despite its R26 pedestrian-oriented development. Although walls, R38 ceilings, U-0.30 windows, etc.
pollution and other adverse environmental Automobile use makes the difference, impacts stemming from overuse of private comprising 53% of the suburban household's automobiles have not been addressed by this total annual energy b udget, but only 22% of paper, when these impacts are also the inner city household's budget.
considered, increased emphasis on If, through extraordinary measures, the pedestrian-oriented neighbourhoods becomes suburban house goes off-line entirely, even more imperative for a sustainable becoming a self-reliant ‘earthship', while the traditional neighbourhood household merely While design professionals are limited in upg rades to current Oregon energy code what they can control, it is suggested that a minima, calculations indicate that the first step towards promoting greater suburban household can turn the tables on household energy efficiency should be to their traditional neighbourhood counterparts.
include estimated energy consumption by In this scenario the suburban earthship motor vehicles in presentations to clients and household will have an energy budget of peers on the efficiency of specific design 190,080 MJ per annum, (car alone). After commissions. Information presented in this upg rading to energy code minima the paper begins to show how average traditional neighbourhood house energy transportation costs could be estimated based consumption would be reduced to 138,110 on neighbourhood typology and then MJ per annum, making a total (car + house) converted to units compatible with other of 209,822 MJ per annum - just 11% more expressions of residential energy than the off-grid suburban earthship. By consumption. In this way the ‘invisible', but reducing VKT per annum by 6607 km, or huge, energy cost of personal vehicles in about 27.53% of their annual total, the non-urban env ironments would be made traditional neighbourhood household could, more generally apparent; those projec ts in in conjunction with the aforementioned pedestrian-friendly urban environments upg rades, eq ual the energy performance of could likewise receive greater credit for their the suburban earthship household.
now often unrecognised role in energyconservation.
Many clients have a sincere desire to build ho use and y est erday 's t radit io nal in a sustainable fashion. However, expanding the consciousness of these clients to think of From these results we therefore conclude sustainable design not just in terms of that for America's foreseeable future building materials and operating costs is of influencing household transportation choices vital importance. In many cases they may not offers the greatest opportunity for household have thought through the full impacts of energy conservation rather than transportation and how suc h energy c osts implementing additional energy-saving can be incorporated into the design process.
architectural design features. Attempts to Architects and design professionals of all affect transportation behaviour are often descriptions should be looking beyond the dismissed as ‘social engineering' and thus technics of construction and the property outside the proper realm of planners and lines of a specific project site. We must begin architects. However, a growing amount of educating our clients that where we build hard data, including the studies cited in this ultimately has more impact on our paper, document how the built environment overburdened environment than what we in the form of neighbourhood typology influenc es travel behaviour. A singleexample is telling - according to the Metro travel survey walking comprises 7.6% of all Calthorpe, P. (1993) The Ne xt American trips in Portland's suburbs and 28.5% in Metropolis Princeton Arch. Press, Princeton.
mixed-use traditional neighbourhoods.
Daily Journal of Commerce (1996) "Metro Travel Residents of this particular neighbourhood Survey Results" Portland, Or egon, Dec. 30.
type are thus four times more likely to go by Nevada Power Company (n.d.) Conservation With Household Ap pliances 6-90/5M/BOW , Las Vegas, foot on a given daily errand than are their From Curitiba to Quito:Reserved traffic lanes for public transport as anecological, economic and social policy for cities Beno î t Lambe rtAssistant, Faculté de Droit, Université de Genèv eDépartment d'histoire du droit et des doctrines juridiques et politiques,102 boulevard Carl-Vogt, CH-1211 Genève 4, Switzerland. The currency used is the inaugurated in April 1996.
Its conception is inspired by a model Quito's new trolleybus is a great success. It is praised by more than one observer - the being expanded already. Consisting of a transport system in Curitiba which, besides know-how transfer from a Latin American mobility, integrates social objectives.
city, Curitiba (Brazil), to another Latin Applying the conclusions of long term American city, Quito (Ecuador), these two research, adapting these to limited economic experienc es display a new and original resources, t he transport network of Curitiba development model. By occupying urban is part of a development strategy integrating space, and therefore limiting the presence of land use by giving priority to mobility rather the c ar, too often promoted without than to a particular transport mode. I ndeed, considering environmental and ecological too often the car or the underground railway consequenc es, the ‘reserved structuring axes' are presented as the panacea as soon as a city for public transport allow high mobility at reaches one million inhabitants. Curitiba low cost. The advantages of this model are shows, in a spectacular way, to which extent numerous and could profit many other cities.
these are erroneous views. According to a Today, more and more questions of new concept, planning does not only mean to technological choices are part of the political fulfil demand; it aims at pulling up the and ecological debate. Transport is no longer quality of life of a whole community.
a secondary issue.
Now, is Quito a case where a country from the so-called South transfers to another country from the South its understandingand, to make this occurrence ev en more Trolleybus, urban transport, Curitiba, Quito.
interesting, a know-how that goes towardssustainable development? This is what the construction of Quito's trolleybus seems toreveal. With advice from the United Nations DO RESERVED traffic lanes for public Development Programme, Quito appears as transport augur a re-humanisation of cities? one of the first cities to take advantage of this That is what the new trolleybus in Quito new approach.
seems t o demonstrate. A ll the newspapers in A remake of Curitiba's experience in Ecuador write about it. A city with a Ecuador's capital could confirm the conservative reputation, decision centre of an structuring effect, from an urban as well as old landlord oligarchy today losing some of from an economic viewpoint, of an its influence, Quito's trolleybus gives the innovative development policy integrating Ecuadorian capital a refreshingly modern land planning with transport policies. As it look. With 1.2 million inhabitants, the city is, Curitiba brings the proof that a transport spreads in a valley measuring 44 kilometres system with reserved surface lanes, offers a by 6; a modern centre with shantytowns quality service that can be compared to an stretching at its northern and southern ends underground railway but at a much lower for 10 kilometres. And of course, growing cost. By its occupation of the space normally transport problems, apparently unavoidable.
attributed to the private car, reserved surface Yet, traffic jams are not a law of nature and traffic lanes avoid the numerous dictates Mr. Jamil Mahuad, the youthful, newly Lambert: From Curitiba to Quito: imposed by the ‘cars-only' society. This way, Reserved traffic lanes for public elected mayor of Quito, had the intention to a response is given to people's mobility transport as an ecologically, eco- end a ‘laissez-faire' policy. Anchor point of needs, thus integrating the constraints of nomic and social policy for cities.
his strategy: the construction of an 11 km global ecology, the new player in World Transport Policy & Practice long trolleybus route across town, officially 4/1 [1998] 40 - 46 international relations. Before presenting Lambert: From Curitiba to Quito: Quito's experience, let us f irst see what buildings six floors high are allowed on the Reserved traffic lanes for public makes the suc cess of Curitiba's model.
structuring axes themselves. This density co- transport as an ecologically, eco- efficient is reduced the further you go from nomic and social policy for cities.
pub lic transport. This legislation that orients World Transport Policy & Practice Curitib a - more t han an example - a planning in the centre, encourages the 4/1 [1998] 40 - 46 development of new commercial and In 1992, while experts and politicians meet residential zones along the structuring axes.
by the thousands at the Earth Summit in Rio Pollution and noise problems, excessive de Janeiro to elaborate a Charter to save the concentration of commercial activities in the planet, a Brazilian mayor tours his model centre, and its domination by banking, city with his guests. To the world, he financial and service activities are therefore explains what as been done to avoid traffic limited. This policy has allowed the creation jams and pollution, to offer citizens of a convivial and vibrant city centre, day breathable air, clean sidewalks and green and night. Today, 49 blocks linking parks parks. Politicians from major cities listened and bus terminals are pedestrian and for 1 and learned that a megalopolis can become square meter of green space per capita in liveable without putting its public finances 1970, the city had 50 in 1992. Curitiba has in peril. Traffic is surprisingly fluid, thanks also reached an equilibrium between high mainly to efficient public transport, an density commercial and residential zones incitement for city dwellers to leave their car and the public transport offer. The municipal at home. Buses have priority and drive at authority itself acquired land along the high speed on avenues, thanks to double structuring axes to build housing for lower reserved central corridors: 2000 buses income earners - close to public transport, transport 1.3 million commuters every day.
those people are better located to integrate The success of the Paraná State capital into economic activity.
(population 2 million) is unique: it breaks For a single, low fare, good on the entire with more than one myth on the necessity of network, Curitiba's public transport is massive investment (not to say pharaonic), in organised as a ‘surface subway' with pub lic transportation. While in Europe, terminals in which the traveller can circulate Copenhagen (population 1 million) is one of and shop, later changing route without the major cities to have seriously limited its having to pay for a new journey. The access to cars, Curitiba has succeeded in terminals are attractive; beautified by encouraging an important modal orientation flowers, trees and a pleasant architecture. In towards the bus. A study by Kaufmann and this, one of the central ideas of the transport Guidez (1996) of Bern, Genev a and Lausanne system is the ease with which people can in Switzerland; and Besançon, Grenoble and transfer from a local bus to an express one, Toulouse in France shows how difficult this and later take another local service, all this in exercise is.
a pleasant environment. The new stations, Mr. Jaime Lerner, three times mayor of the with ‘boarding tubes' equipped with city before being elected as State governor in platforms reaching the height of the bus 1995, has been a key actor in this success. An floor, greatly reduce the time necessary for architect and town planner, he had been the passengers to get on and off the buses.
second director (1968-69) of the Curitiba Thanks to these boarding tubes, it is possible Research and Urban Planning Institute. First to double the number of passengers per hour.
a theoretician, he became the competent Compared with traditional buses operating prime contractor of the urban development on a road where cars are allowed, these buses strategy of Curitiba around ‘five main transport three times as many passengers. As structuring axes'. Each of these central roads it is, the reserved lanes make the system contains two express bus lanes flanked by profitable. The boarding tube imagined in local roads; one block away to either side run Curitiba, eliminates the need for ticket high-capacity one-way streets heading into control on buses because the fare is paid and out of the city centre. But what makes before getting on the boarding platform. Also, the originality and the strength of the motorised equipment is f ixed to the platform, Curitiba model is its successful integration of allowing access for handicapped. Finally, land-use legislation with transport policy.
Curitiba's buses are painted according totheir function allowing for easy Integration of land-use and transport policy identification: express services are red, green In the area adjacent to each axis, the land-use buses travel between neighbourhoods, those legislation encourages high density coming to town from suburbs are yellow.
occupation, while the construction of Lambert: From Curitiba to Quito: Privatise transport without privatising the may be withdrawn if the agreement is not Reserved traffic lanes for public respected, but would of course be preceded transport as an ecologically, eco- According to Jonas Rabinovitch, the former by warnings or financial sanctions. A dding to nomic and social policy for cities.
director of foreign relations for Curitiba and their payment per km served, every company World Transport Policy & Practice today employed by the United Nations gets a monthly rate of return on the capital 4/1 [1998] 40 - 46 Development Program, the ‘express buses on invested in the bus fleet of 1% and a yearly reserved lanes', at $0.2 million per km, are 3% return on administrative costs for considerably less expensive to develop than equipment and infrastructure. Furthermore, a surface light rail system ($20 million per the municipality often buys the old buses at km) or an underground subway, typically the end of their useful lifecycle, to use them $60-100 million per km (Rabinovitch and as mobile schools or for cultural activities, Leitman, 1996). It represents an affordable etc. According to Urbanisação de Curitiba, solution in a country with limited financial 75% of the population uses pub lic transport, resources. This price differential needs a thus explaining its good financial heath clarification: in Curitiba it includes the despite the absence of direct subsidies. The financing and construction of boarding tubes, fares paid by the users are put in a city fund reserved lanes and terminals by the city; it and the private companies are paid every ten does not include the acquisition of buses, an days. In short, a private-public partnership, investment done by private companies, thus but without the influence of purely financial explaining the extraordinary low cost. But interests on urban planning.
this gap is not nec essarily overestimated - thecost of the underground subway in Rio de Mo da l orien t a tio n Janeiro reaches an extraordinary $200 Despite its 500,000 cars, 250 per 1000 million per km on some sections. Quito's inhabitants, more per capita than any other trolleybus which receives no private city in Brazil (see Box 1), Curitiba doesn't financing cost $65 million for 11 km, that is have a traffic problem. According to the $5.91 million per km, including vehicle Bonilha Institute based in the region, 28% of bus users in Curitiba would use their car if Rabinovitch admits that these are the bus priority measures did not exist, thus estimates as construction costs vary greatly resulting in gasoline consumption which is from city to city. Still, the numbers speak for 25% lower than in other similar Brazilian themselves: buses or trolleybuses are tens of cities (Rabinovitch and Leitman, 1996). In times cheaper than subways.
this, the public transport system is directly "By putting concrete and asphalt above the responsible for the relatively low pollution ground instead of excavating to place steel level registered in Curitiba despite the use of rails underneath it, the city managed to buses running with diesel motors. Besides achieve most of the goals that subways strive the health benefits of this strategy, the for at less than 5% of the initial cost." savings this transport policy allows for the (Rabinovitch and Leitman, 1996, p. 30) population is one of its very positive effects - With the money saved, Curitiba endeavours on average, they spend only 10% of their to respond to the people's needs, including a income on transport (Newman, 1996), a ratio very successful program in environmental that is low for this part of the world where education for children from favelas. Also, the the poor easily can spend up to 25% of a buses are free for certain citizens or State meagre income on transport (World Bank, employees: people aged more than 65, the 1994). The attractiveness of the public police, school children in uniform, and transport network invites inhabitants to firemen and postmen in uniform.
move more than they would do otherwise: The integ rated bus transport system with they make 202 trips a year against 158 in São reserved lanes built since 1974 is therefore a mixed enterprise: it is formed by The boarding tubes, the automatic fare Urbanisação de Curitiba, a municipal collection, bus priority at traffic lights (using institution, and 10 private companies under transponders); these are among technical the eye of the Curitiba Research and Urban improvements progressively introduced for Planning Institute. 2000 buses, owned by the optimisation of the transport system and those companies, operate on routes a low operating cost. New measures are authorised by the municipality in response to constantly studied by the Curitiba Research pub lic demand. They are obliged to follow and Urban Planning Institute which plays a certain requirements established by the city central role in this success. For example, and are paid a fee per kilometre served as buses with a double articulation, unique in specified in the route permit. Authorisations the world, are built by Volvo for Curitiba. In Box 1: A Not e on Numb ers use since 1992, they have a capacity for 270passengers, against 170 for buses with asingle articulation. For a 59% increase in its Data appearing in publications on transport can be far from data presented in the capacity, the fuel consumption increase is original source, as terms used for car ownership are sometimes misunderstood or just 16%. The development of a local market calculations lack accuracy. In An Urbanizing World Passenger Cars is evaluated at 15 for this kind of bus - 33 buses with bi- for Ecuador (p. 275); but ‘Motor Cars', in the Statistical Annex (p. 524), at 36.9. Brazil articulation sold at $450,000 each - prompted goes from 83 to 88, etc. Quite relevant is a note which explains that "motor cars … refer Volvo to open a plant in the city.
to passenger cars and commercial vehicles. Special purpose vehicle such as Again and again, the example of Curitiba motorcycles, trams, ambulances … are excluded". Figures on "passenger, motor or refutes the contemporary belief that costly private cars" often suffer from the absence of such a definition.
technical solutions are the panacea to urbanproblems. Many planners have said in the Clearly, for the moment, passenger cars in Ecuador are much less numerous than motor past that cities with a population of more cars as defined here above. At the Office for Statistics in Quito, I found that total vehicle than one million must build a subway to ownership went from 299,866 in 1984 to 463,289 in 1994, including automobiles which avoid traffic congestion. The dominant are up from 85,717 to 156,756. This last figure corresponds to passenger cars doubling dogma also says that cities producing more as mentioned on page 275 of An Urbanizing World, even if the year of reference (1985 than 1000 tons of solid waste per day, need or latest year) lacks precision.
expensive plant to separate garbagemechanically. Curitiba has neither with Most, if not all major research centres, e.g. World Watch Institute, World Resources results that could surprise quite a few Institute, etc. - take the World Motor Vehicle Data, published by the American ‘experts'. Exemplary without having solved Automobile Manufactures Association, as source for their figures. In this publication, all problems of a Southern city, will the registrations are presented in two columns: passenger cars and commercial vehicles. As Curitiba model be emulated? The interest of it also gives the population for every country, car ownership and commercial vehicles Quito's trolleybus project is precisely that it per 1000 inhabitants can be calculated. Population per car and per vehicle is given.
seems to announce the appearance of a new According to World Motor Vehicle Data (1998) with data from 1996, global passenger development logic. It can be hoped that it car ownership is 486 millions (from 480 in 1994), commercial vehicles 185 millions (from will not be limited to transport.
150 in 1994) giving a total of 671 million registrations (from 629 in 1994). This is one carfor every twelve human beings or a four wheel (or more) motor vehicle for every 9 people. The World Motor Vehicle Data appear as the prime source for data on vehicle heart o f t he pub lic registration. In fact, since the International Road Transport Union and the United Nations Will the suc cess of Curitiba be repeated in Development Programme are no longer producing this information, it may now be the Quito? Since the opening of the trolleybus in only source available on a regular basis.
Quito at the beginning of 1996, criticism has Table 1: Car and commercial vehicles ownership in selected countries (per
become rare. Before the advent of the 1000 people)
trolleybus it took up to two hours to coverthe route between Villa Flora station, in the An Urbanizing World, World Motor Vehicle Data 1998
South of the capital, and the Y station, in the (pp. 522-525) North. Today, the journey time has been halved. The trolleybuses have replaced the old, polluting, noisy, uncomfortable buses with their irregular routes and schedules. At a rate of one trolleybus ev ery two minutes, hooked to the electric cable that feeds its motor, it runs on private lanes. Inspired by those b uilt in Curitiba, the 40 stops (one every 400 meters), are real boarding Notes: * Data for Brazil, U.S.A. and Japan in An Urbanizing World are from the World Resources Report 1996- platforms alike those in a modern train 97 of the World Resources Institute quoting the World Motor Vehicle Data 1993 (data for 1991). Other data in An Urbanising World come from Table 29 of United Nations (1988 ) Compendium of Social Statistics and station. Access to the trolleybus is eased by a mobile steel plate that comes down in front The total of motor cars for Japan in An Urbanising World is certainly a mistake. In of the three doors when they open, giving addition, we may wonder if the reduction of passenger cars in Brazil is real - or just a access to the buses at floor level.
change of definition - while the total goes up and commercial vehicles are multiplied by The trolleybus carries not less than four! Also worth noting is the amazing reduction of passenger cars and the increase of 170,000 passengers each day, a popularity commercial vehicle ownership in the U.S.A., or this may reflect the explosion in ‘jeep' or much higher than initially expected. As a ‘recreational vehicle' (RV) ownership. Whether criteria defining ‘Commercial Vehicles' result, its frequency during peak demand have changed or more Americans are driving RVs, ‘Passenger Car' ownership in the periods will be doubled. After six months of U.S.A. has changed from 147 millions in 1991 to 130 millions in 1996 and Commercial service, out of one thousand peoplequestioned, 75% were in favour of the Vehicle ownership has risen from 48 millions in 1991 to 77 millions in 1996.
trolleybus, with only 2% dissatisfaction. The Lambert: From Curitiba to Quito: others qualify it as acceptable, regular in people coming from distant poor suburbs Reserved traffic lanes for public Spanish. ‘People love the trolley and they (wealthier neighbourhoods are located transport as an ecologically, eco- respect it,' confirms engineer Raúl mainly in the centre). That way, a certain nomic and social policy for cities.
Maldonada, director of the operation unit of amount of wealth redistribution occurs. It is World Transport Policy & Practice the trolleybus system. The new equipment vital that the transport service is affordable 4/1 [1998] 40 - 46 offers security, regularity and speed to on the one hand to those on low income, and commuters, who used to lose a lot of time in attractive and safe on the other to attract their everyday transport ( El Comercio, wealthier commuters who would otherwise August 9, 1996). The building of a subway be tempted to commute by car and whose line or a fast tram on rails was withdrawn modal choice could negate any public because of the weakness of buildings in the transport fluidity. We may wonder if this old historical centre, classified a world kind of solidarity by sharing the mobility heritage site by UNESCO in 1978.
cost would have been possible in the case of Consequently, in January 1994, the City a major investment, like a subway? Council took the decision, to build an Operating the feeder buses ‘buses electric bus in reserved lanes with access by alimentadores' making the link with elevated boarding platforms and purchase in trolleybuses, are offered as contracts to the advance tickets, inspired from the Curitiba private sector and the entrepreneur is paid per kilometre served. The municipalitymanages this common fund and covers the A financial health allowing project extension deficit on certain routes by its gains on other Of the $65 million that Quito's trolleybus has lines, including the trolleybus line. While in cost, $50 million have been borrowed; half Curitiba the service on the entire network is from a Spanish development fund at an provided by the private sector, the operation interest rate almost nil (0.3%), with in Quito is carried out by the municipality repayment beginning after ten years; the (trolleybuses) and, for the other part, by other half borrowed from OECD at 8% p.a.
small private entrepreneurs, some of them for 12 years, with two years interest-free.
owning only one feeder bus. Those small Instant success on its initial phase, Quito's entrepreneurs have to respec t certain norms.
trolley extension and the increase of The maximum bus age has been reduced frequencies for the existing section should from 27 years to 20 as a first step to reduce begin in a few months. Twelve additional pollution - vehicles achieving European kilometres will be built - adding to the Union standards are becoming more common existing 11 km - making the trolleybus cross since the Transport Planning and Quito on half its length. The new Management Unit of Quito began managing investments reach $110 million for 59 new the sector, supervised by the police in the vehicles. This development will be done in past. Finally, it is noteworthy that, as has two trenches of $55 million, the first one been the case in France for the building of planned to end in March 1999. Let us note tram lines in Grenoble, Lille, Strasbourg and that in this first phase, $2.4 million will go to Nantes, the inauguration of Quito's expanding a radio transponder system giving trolleybus has been the topic of animated priority to the trolleybuses at traffic lights as political debate and the re-election of Mr.
is the case in the Curitiba. It is expected that Mahuad as mayor is associated by most once the trolleybus is completed, it will observers with this event.
transport 300,000 Quiteños daily. At themoment the fare for a trip is approximately$0.28, with the possibility to buy books of To wards sus t ainab le so c iet ies in the tickets (10 trips for $2, 50 for approximately t went y- f irst c entury $7) and $0.20 for students, children and According to official statistics, the number of cars would have doubled in Ecuador between If those fares seem low to the most 1984 and 1994. At the present rate, the favoured of the world economy, they are high Earth's car population will reach a billion for many inhabitants of the Ecuadorian within twenty-five years, this means a capital. This is why, inspired once again by doubling of cars now on the road. (Tunali, Curitiba's experience, a single fare policy is 1996) Will the ‘Autosphere' destroy the applied: either the traveller is taking one bus, Biosphere in which we live and on which we many buses, many buses plus the trolleybus depend? Climate change, biodiversity or just the trolleybus. As in Curitiba, the destruction, pollution of seas: the threat is revenues are collected centrally, short trips real. What is at stake with traffic calming are the same price as longer ones done by goes well beyond the quality of life in c ities Lambert: From Curitiba to Quito: (Lambert, 1998).
consequenc es of a rapid motorisation in the Reserved traffic lanes for public In Ecuador, as in other developing world', in particular the uncontrolled transport as an ecologically, eco- countries, car manufacturers invest in development of the private car, will be nomic and social policy for cities.
promoting new roads. (Let us not forget that judged on facts by all those concerned with World Transport Policy & Practice in the 1930s, Los Angeles had the largest the issue (World Bank, 1996, p.3).
4/1 [1998] 40 - 46 streetcar network in the world. To Meanwhile, in Europe many cities such as understand how it has been dismantled (as in Amsterdam, Copenhagen, Bern, Zurich, almost every other American city) by General Basel, Grenoble and Strasbourg, are trying to Motors, Ford and Chrysler with help from win back control of their streets and public other multinationals, see Snell, 1974. The spaces by developing public transport, PBS network (U.S.A.) film Taken for a Ride cycling paths and walking zones. Like (1996), describes how the automobile and Curitiba in Latin America, Copenhagen is petroleum industries orchestrated a really a model in Europe - as early as 1962, campaign to dismantle public transport and the Danish capital developed cycling lanes cultivated a dependency on private (by progressively getting rid of parking motorisation.) General Motors will open spaces along the streets) and an exemplary shortly a new assembly plant in Quito. Yet, pub lic transport system. Today, there are negative effects of the car are well known - 10% less cars in the city than in 1970; 33% urban sprawl, pollution, road accidents, of trips are done by bicycle (thanks to a anonymity of cities framed by and for the car.
favourable topography, and despite Their destructive impacts have been known changeable and sometimes difficult weather), in cities like Mexico where, it is said, some a proportion that equals that of public children have never seen a star… smog being transport and the automobile.
permanent. Road infrastructures often cross It has been said that Latin American cities poor suburbs where inhabitants have little are built more like European c ities than means to oppose mega-projects undertaken North American megalopolises. This with the blessing and the financial support of character is of course threatened by urban big international organisations. Barely sprawl which cannot be dissociated from car motorised, they are the victims, more than use. Recently, Eduardo Galeano has criticised the beneficiaries, of those projects.
the attitude of his compatriots towards the Walter Hook from the Institute for car and the consum ing society: Transport and Development Policy (ITDP) in "Kidnapping of the ends by the means: the New York, blames the World Bank, for using supermarket buys you, the television and recommending to its clients a computer watches you, the automobile drives you… program, Highway Design Maintenance We Latin Americans have swallowed the Standards Model Version III (HDM) precisely pill that the hell of Los Angeles is the only ignoring pedestrians and other non- possible model of modernisation: a motorised people.
vertiginous superhighway that scorns "The economic benefits and costs of pub lic transport, practices velocity as a fundamentally different approaches to form of violence, and drives people out.
meeting the same mobility needs are not We've been taug ht to drink poison, and compared. Only once a project has already well pay any price as long as it comes in a been determined to be a road or rail or shiny bottle." (Galeano, 1995, p. 20) subway project are these economic Thanks to people like Galeano, to models impacts assessed." (Hook, 1994, p. 8) like Curitiba, mistakes made in the North This absence of a multi-criteria approach that could be avoided.
goes beyond economic abstracts, is notexclusive to the World Bank. But the series ofgood intentions announced in Sustainable Transport, a document in which the bank The criteria favouring choice for public announc es its new priorities ‘to limit the transport are numerous, but one fact isobvious in almost every city - too often Table 2: Four positive aspects of indirect wealth redistribution coming with public
decisions are taken giving absolute surface priority to the deified car. But this monopoly equity is the best warranty for a dynamic, crime-free society of the urban space, the fruit of a narrow many work in the centre vision of mobility, is well contested today by solving urban transport problems needs the involvement of all social pub lic transport, pedestrians, cyclists and other non-motorised people (skaters). In •Environmental reductions in air pollution have an immediate knock-on effect on almost all occidental cities, small health and quality of life associations defend the use of the bicycle as Lambert: From Curitiba to Quito: a mode of transport and are promoting a some of which have been used as weapons; Reserved traffic lanes for public radically different approach of mobility and Carson's book triggered an amazing transport as an ecologically, eco- urban planning (Lambert, 1995). On Aug ust controversy of which she herself was a nomic and social policy for cities.
1st 1997 a cyclist protest in San Francisco victim (insults, threats, Time magazine World Transport Policy & Practice ended with the arrest of 250. The newspaper Science section wrote about ‘her emotional 4/1 [1998] 40 - 46 USA Today printed ‘Bike riders becoming a and inaccurate outburst'…). But in the end, major political force' as a headline. Indeed, Carson shook up the powerful chemical isn't their message going far beyond the industry which perpetuates and perpetrates simple defence of non-motorised two wheels Nuclear electricity, greenhouse effect, Despite the unceasing ‘economic growth = anthropogenic leeway, ozone layer solution to all our problems' of traditional destruction, landscape and quality of life economic rhetoric, with the appointment in deterioration - scientific controversy for France of Mme. Dominique Voynet (Green) as technological choices are today a field of Territory Planning and Environment Minister political discourse. Transportation is no of M. Lionel Jospin's (Socialist) government, longer a secondary issue. In an interview technological choices in transport will be with L'Événement du jeudi (in June 1997), guided by a new reality: political ecology. Let Mme. Voynet declared her intention to us remember here that the transition from "Transform buses in real ‘surface subways' to scientific ecology to political ecology was remedy their slow pace by the c reation of prompted by the publication in 1962 of reserved lanes so that they avoid traffic Silent Spring by Rachel Carson. Highlighting jams". In Curitiba and in Quito this has the abuse of numerous pesticides in already been understood… by developing agriculture; from chemicals like chlorinated buses or trolleybuses as ‘surface subways', it hydrocarbons (DDT), now forbidden in is an ecological, economic and social policy occidental countries, to organophosphates, for the city which is at stake.
American Automobile Manufactures Association (1998) World Newman, P. (1996) "Reducing automobile dependence" Motor Vehicle Data 1998 AAMA, Detroit, Michigan.
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Galeano, E. (1995) "Autocracy: An Invisible Dictatorship" Nor th Rabinovitch, J. (1992) "Curitiba: towards sustainable urban American Congress on Latin America Report on the Americas development" Environment and Urbanization, vol. 4, no 2.
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Rabinovitch, J. and Hoehn, J. (1995) "A Sustainable Urban Graham Jr., F. (1970) Since Silent Spring Fawcett World Library, Transpor tation System: the ‘Surface Metro' in Curitiba, Brazil" Department of Agricultural Economics, Michigan State Hook, W. (1994) Counting on Cars, Counting out People - A Critique of the World B anks Economic Asses sment P rocedure s Rabinovitch, J. and Leitman, J. (1996) "Urban Planning in for the Transp ort Sector and their Environmental Implications Curitiba" Scientific American. Institute for Transpor tation and Development Policy, New York, Snell, B.C. (1974) American Ground Transport - A proposal for Paper no. I-0194.
Restructuring the Automobile , Tr uck, Bus, and Rail Industrie s Kaufmann, V. and Guidez, J.-M. (1996) Les citadins face à United States Senate, Washington, US Government Printing l'automobilité - Les déte rminants du choix modal Public Office, 1974.
Transpor t Union, Paris United Nations Centre for Human Settlements (1996) An Lambert, B. (1995) "Les cyclistes en milieu urbain et le nouveau Urbanizing World: G lobal Report on Human Settlements mouvement d'opposition au tout-voiture en ville" Rech erche , prepared for the HABITAT II conference in Istanbul, Oxfor d Transports, Sécurité Institut national français de recherche sur University Press, Oxford.
les transports et leur sécurité (INRETS), Paris, no. 47 , pp. 51-58.
Tunali, O. (Jan. - Feb. 1996) "A Billion Cars: The Road Ahead", (1998) " Le retour de la bicyclette", The UNESCO Courier World Watch vol. 9, no. 1, Wor ld Watch Institute, Washington, (January edition) UNESCO, Paris, pp. 30 - 32.
L'Événement du jeudi (June 12 - 18 1997) "Les transports en commun World Bank / Banque Mondiale (1994) Banque mondiale créent plus d'emplois que l'a utomobile" Paris, no. 658, p. 86.
actualités Wor ld Bank, Washington, D.C, vol. XIII, no. XX, p. 1.
Menezes, C.L. (1996 ) Des envolv ime nto urbano e me io ambiente (1 996) Sustainable Tr ansport - Prioritie s for Policy Reform Papirus Editora, São Paulo.
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